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cover FINAL02
Poreword
Ourancestorslivedpeacefullywithnature.Iftheydidso,itwas
because they become one with it. Nowadays, however, people
care less and less about nature. Greed and technological
advances have made humans overlook nature's purpose. The
continuing decline of forest resources is a vivid evidence. Having observed
such scenario, an anonymous author wrote: "What nature so graciously
provided, man so passionately destroys .. ."
In parts of the Cordillera region, it is interesting to note that there are
indigenous forest conservation systems adopted by the mountain people
from their ancestors; thus their forests are preserved. These systems
however are slowly fading.
With this book, it is hoped that the present generation will appreciate
their ancestor's wisdom of conserving forests, and that other people
recognize and adopt the treasured indigenous way of maintaining forests as
that in some parts of Mountain Province. Without gainsaying, if we allow our
forests to deteriorate, humans and all living things will surely deteriorate as
well.
Mariko Sorimachi-Banasan
Director
Cordillera Green Network
ii
A cltnow{etfgements
The Philippine~AustralianCommunity Assistance Program provided
financial support. The LGU's of Sauko headed by Han. Mayor Simon C.
Lacwasan, of Besao headed by former Mayor Bart I. Guzman, of Sagada
headed by former Mayor Roberto T. Baaten, and of Tadian headed by Han.
Mayor Constito S. Masweng, provided various kinds of support that include
coordination and facilitation afthe conduct of relevant activities.
Fr. Pablo S. Dicdican, former Vice Mayor of Besao, Engr. Randolph
Awisan, former member of the Sanguniang Sayan and Chair of the
Environmental Committee of Sauko, Han. Ricardo Masidong, 88 Secretary
of Sauko, Han. Dave Gulian, former S8 member and chair of Environmental
Committee of Sagada, and Han. Uliver Turtem, former SB member and
Chair of the Environmental Committee of Tadian, helped in facilitating the
introduction of project and its approval by their respective committees/units
and municipal mayors. They also helped in facilitating the consultations and
seminar-workshops in their respective municipalities.
Engr. Jovencio Palingping, the MPDO of Tadian; Mr. Rovaldin
Dagacan and Ms. Jane Ukigan, Secretary to the Mayor and MPDO of
Sagada, respectively; and Mrs. Elsie Lomong-oy and Ms. Victoria Gaengan,
both employees of the Mayor's office in Besao, provided valuable
information and gave suggestions/comments.
Most of the participants of the consultation and orientation seminars
and the lakon/saguday mapping and timber inventory training served as
respondents.
Aside from many others, the barangay captains of
Sagada-
Nemesio Corce of Pide, Osenio Lay-os of Bangaan, Michael Depidep of
Tanulong, Ms. Veronica Tengdan of Madongo, Anastacio Dumling of
Antadao, Ms. Grace Lab-as of Kilong, Tacio Upawen and John Ngina of
Tetep-an Sur and Norte respectively, and Jaime Dugao of Ankileng; Father
Peter Alangui, Kagawad of Suyo, Sagada; Barangay Captain Oplas Briones
of Banguitan, Besao; Barangay Captain Grace Atipen of Lubon, Tadian;
iii
Contents
Title
Foreword
ii
Acknowledgements
iii
Contents
v
List of Figures, Plates and Table
vii
INTRODUCTION
1
Benefits from Forests
4
THE LAKONISAGUDAY SYSTEM OF FOREST
ESTABLISHMENT AND MANAGEMENT
7
Management System
8
Institutions Responsible
8
Dap-ay roles in lakon/saguday management
9
Leaders and decision-makers in a dap-ay
9
Women's intervention
12
Customary Laws/Regulations/Practices
12
Establishment of lakon/saguday and its
ownership
13
Transfer of ownership
14
No tax policy
15
Volunteerism
15
Rule on naturally-grown trees
16
BayanihanIUg-ugboIOb-obbo
16
Galatis
16
Borrowing
16
Regulatory Measures
16
Limitations for harvests
16
Permission required
17
Replacement of harvested trees
17
Prohibited acts and penalties
17
Management Practices
22
Designation of administrator
22
Forest establishment practices
22
Care and maintenance practices
24
v
Harvesting practices
27
Selection
27
Tools
27
Directing fall of tree
28
Transport system/practices
28
Seasoning
29
Conflict management
29
Beliefs Related to Lakon/Saguday System
31
Trees/Forests Sustain Springs
31
Belief on Unseen Beings or Tree/Forest Spirits
32
Belief in sacred mountains
33
Belief in sacred trees/sites
33
Lawa and Inayan Belief
34
Belief in Witchcraft
35
Belief in Trees Unfit for Use
35
Other Beliefs
35
Factors Weakening the Lakon/Saguday System
of Forest Establishment and Management
36
Laws/Rules/Ordinances on Taxation
36
Slope and Elevation Limits Allowable for Timber
Harvesting
38
Cumbersome Permit Processing
38
Cultural Changes
39
THE NEED TO PROMOTE LAKONISAGUDAY
SYSTEM OF FOREST ESTABLISHMENT
AND MANAGEMENT
40
REFERENCES
41
vi
List offigures, prates ana taMes
Figure No.
Page
1
Forest cover in the Philippines
1
2
Forest cover in the Cordillera Administrative
1
Region
Plate No.
Page
1
Various causes and signs of forest destruction
2
2
Some major benefits derived from forests
4
3
Representative woodlots (Iakonlsagudaylbalangan) 8
in Western Mountain Province
4
Photos showing representative dap-ay structures
10
5
Amam-a and young men of Sagada marching
towards the dap-ay during an agricultural ritual
called begnas
11
6
A dap-ay elder in Dagdag, Sagada holding a
11
takba
7
Amam-a of Besao gathered in a dap-ay to discuss
the conduct of their teppeng, a thanksgiving ritual
for their harvests
12
8
Pine twigs with mature cones
22
9
Young pine stand developed from broadcasted
seeds (naisapuak) in Besao and Bauko
23
10
Weed control by lugam
24
vii
11
Pruning to collect fuelwQod and to improve
25
the growth of the tree
12
Thinning in densely stocked stands
25
13
Planting of wildlings usually collected from
25
dense regeneration
14
Various forms of fence or barriers for
26
lakonlsaguday/batangan protection
15
Use of two-man saw in lumbering
27
16
Use of chainsaw in lumbering
27
17
Timber/lumber transport by draft animal
(paguyod)
28
18
Pine tree slabs transported through irrigation
canal
28
19
Drying lumber under the sun
29
20
Various forms of boundary markers
of lakonslsagudays
30
21
Mount Mogao, a sacred mountain In Basao,
Mountain Province
33
22
Sacred trees in papatayan Ipapakdean
34
List of
Table
1
Specific penalties imposed to violators of
customary laws/rules or barangay ordinances
for forest conservation/protection in certain
places
18
viii
INTRODUCTION
Forests are vital life support systems. Hence
they must be
conserved and preserved in order to maintain an environment favorable for
human habitation and for sustainable agriculture and biodiversity. Forests
provide the basic needs of people such as fresh air, clean water, fruits,
vegetables, fibers, fuel wood, fodder, timber and many more.
Philippine forests are very rich in biodiversity, and are once covering
an extensive area. However in the last four decades, the Philippines has
experienced extensive degradation of its pristine forests. As shown in Fig. 1,
the area of Philippine forests have diminished from around 17 million ha in
1934 to only 5.392 million ha in 1997, or an annual deforestation rate of
about 184,254 ha. As reported in 1997, the Cordillera Administrative Region
had a forest area of around 771,616 ha. However, after seven years, only
639,893 ha remains; in other words, between 1997 and 2003, there has
been an annual deforestation rate of about 19,000/ha (Fig. 2).
Illegal and improper timber extraction, conversion of forest to
settlements or vegetable gardens, and other causes and signs of forest
destruction (Plate 1) are rampant, without regard to their serious threats to
the environment and the country's development needs. In the face of this
situation, some localities nevertheless still hold on to their traditional
practices of either maintaining or widening their forest.
Forest cover (In ",lIlIon hectares)
20
17
13.2
15
10.4
10
5.59
5.392
7 ,.
5
o
1934
1948
1972
1 990
'1995
1 997
2003
v
....
Figure 1. Forest cover in the Philippines
800 r--~ 1 2 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
750
700
639
650
600
'997
2002
2003
v••,
Figure 2. Forest cover in the Cordillera Administrative Region
Forest fire
Burned forest
11Iegallogging/timber poaching
Trees cut to transform the land in'lo kaingin
Mount Dala Plateau mossy forest converted into
vegetable gardens
Plate 1. Various causes and signs of forest destruction
2
Plate 1. Continued ...
Siltation
Dried lake Tabeo of Kabayan
Aware of the life-sustaining benefits derived from forests, some of
the indigenous peoples of the Cordillera Region have evolved their own
indigenous forest conservation systems. Although bearing different names,
these systems share one identical aim: the establishment, protection and
conservation of forests in order to sustain source of wood and water and to
ensure sound environment. These systems, which include the /apat of Abra
and Apayao, the muyong or pinugo of Ifugao, and the lakon or saguday or
batangan of Western Mountain Province, have evolved for years based on
traditional or indigenous knowledge passed on from one generation to the
next. They ensure the maintenance of sufficient forest cover in the
Cordillera, the watershed cradle of Northern Luzon.
This book focuses on the lakon/saguday system of Western
Mountain Province. It presents how forests are established, maintained,
owned and sustainabJy utilized, and how the problems or conflicts affecting
the system are solved.
3
Benefits from Forests
Undoubtedly, the culture-based development and conservation of
forests in Western Mountain Province evolved from their ancestors'
knowledge of the life-sustaining roles of forests: to provide foods such as
wild animals, fruits, vegetables, mushroom, honey, etc.; to provide
medicines, fuelwood and timber/lumber; to provide clean water and air; to
serve as grazing grounds; and to remain the spirits' abode. The present
generation enjoys fewer benefits because of the loss of enormous forest
cover. Plate 2 presents some of the major benefits derived from forests.
Beauty of Thickly Forested Mountains
Watershed reserve in Sagada
Mossy forest in Mount Pulag
National Park
Waterfalls, Springs and Rivers are Sustained by Forests
Bomod-ok falls
Inudey falls in
Waterfalls in Besao
in Fidelisan,
Tadian
Sagada
Plate 2. Some major benefits derived from forests
4
Plate 2. Continued ...
Spring with enchanted eel in
Cagubatan, Tadian
Irrigations sustained by forested
watersheds
Springs sustained by forest
Forests provide the fuel that warms
the dap-ays and that are used to
cook food in every household
Home of wild animals
Home of bees that provide honey
Minor forest products
and wax
5
Plate 2. Continued ...
Medicinal trees and herbs
Picnic grounds and trekking sites
6
Lubon, Tadian
Bangguitan, Besao
Sanao, Bauko
Ankileng, Sagada
'"
Plate 3. Representative woodlots (/akon/saguday/batangan)
in Western Mountain Province
Management System
The lakon/saguday as a forestation system is sustained through the
following essential interrelated components: indigenous socio~political
institutions, customary laws/rules, beliefs and indigenous knowledge.
Institutions Responsible
Lakons/sagudays are established and maintained by owners:
individuals, family, clan, dap-ay or the community. The administrator is the
head of the family for the family-owned /akonlsaguday, the head of the clan
or a designated caretaker (menbantay) for the clan-owned, the elders for
dap-ay-owned, and the village elders and/or leaders for the community-
owned. As reported in Sagada, all forests in the community were overseen
by kumiti - a person or persons chosen by the elders. The kumiti serve as
forest guards with authority to decide and impose/collect penalties from
violators of forest rules. The installation of a person as kumiti head/member
entails a ritual that involves the butchering of a dog (Pogeyed, 2000).
8
The overseeing of forests by said kumitis and the elder's role in regulating
forest use have been reported to be transferred to the local officials.
Dap-ay roles in lakon/saguday management. In traditionallgorot
communities, the dap-ay, also called abong, ato or ator, formulates policies
and implements them. It has been the governing body in these communities
even prior to the entrance of a formal government, which ensured the
carrying out of the communities' customs and traditions. According to Scott
(1985), "the dap-ay had been considered to be the pulse of the local forest
community as a whole that maintains ecological stability in its environment,
implements general principles among its constituencies, fosters solidarity,
and limits individual leadership." Pogeyed (1994) describes the dap-ay as
an institution vested with power and authority where customary laws, rules
and regulations of a village emanate. The Igorais live by the unwritten rules
formulated in the dap-ay.
The dap-ay is essential in sustaining forest resources in Western
Mountain Province because it regulates activities relative to forest
establishment, ownership, protection and utilization. It solves conflicts and
decides penalties to be imposed on forest law violators within or outside their
communities.
Each family is affiliated to a dap-ay. About three to 20 dap-ays may
be found in a community. A community with a high population generally has
more dap-ays than those with a low population. As a traditional custom, only
males are allowed to enter, visit or be entertained in the dap-ay.
The common physical structure of a dap-ay is the semi-circular
stone platform.
In the olden times, there is a small hut beside it made of
cogon grass and wood (Plate 4). Recently, the cogon grass is replaced by
galvanized iron for rooftops and cement for walls. Some communities have
converted their dap-ays into two storey buildings to serve as dap-ayand
barangay halls.
Leaders and decision-makers in a dap-ay. A council of elders,
locally called amam-a (Plates 5, 6 & 7), serve as decision-makers in dap-
ays.
The decisions they make command the highest respect from the
villagers because of their seniority, exemplary deeds for their community
and rich life experiences.
9
One of the oldest dap-ays
Dap-ay in Dagdag, Sagada
in Sagada, located in
Tetep-an
A dap-ay in Besao
A dap-ay in Bagnen, Bauko
Plate 4. Photos showing representative dap-ay structures
According to Prill-Brett (1994), "when gathered as a single body,
the elders are composed of the judicial, legislative, and executive body of
the ifi (village);
each elder, taken
individually, has no power to
make decisions for the iii. These old men try cases involving community
members and impose fines based on the nature and mode of committing
violation;
attitude,
age,
mental
condition,
and
ability of the
violator; and precedents. They amend customary laws and create new
ones as they deem necessary. They schedule the agricultural calendar,
declaring the "rest" days, "work" days, and community welfare ceremonies
10
Plate 5. Amam-a wilh young men of Sagada marching towards
the dap-ay during an agricultural ritual called begnas
Plate 6. A dap-ay elder in Dagdag, Sagada holding a takba,
believed 10 contain the spirits of the
departed clan
elders who were former members of the dap~ay. The
takba is brought to the dap-ayduring the begnas so that
the departed spirits from whom the living members will
invoke blessings will participate in the ritual.
(Plate 7). They also advise or counsel villagers who need help, though
such is a function normally being taken care of by their particular ward.
The council of elders are strictly obeyed by their wards. In
the
management of forests as in the lakonslsagudays, their roles include
designating caretakers or kumitis; setting limits or pointing the boundaries
of /akons which owners may maintain; setting limits for harvest and making
other regulatory measures; hearing and resolving cases such as boundary
conflicts, burning of forests, illegal cutting, etc.; performing rituals such as
11
Plate 7. Amam-a of Besao gathered in a dap-ay to
discuss the conduct of their teppeng, a
thanksgiving ritual for their harvests
offering in papatayan and areas considered sacred that include forested
mountains; and deciding and implementing penalties to violators of
/akonlsaguday rules, all of which redounds to the welfare ofthe umiJi.
Women's intervention. The dap-ayis an emblem of men's authority
over traditional communities; however, women are consulted prior to
decisions especially when women are involved. The modern times bring
equity of participation on community affairs for both men and women.
Women's interventions in regulations for community welfare are surprisingly
very effective as could be demonstrated by two reports in Northern Sagada:
(1)Agroup of women, later known as LAPED (Ladies of Aguid and Pide for
Environmental Development), seized and impounded a truckload of pine
lumber that was harvested from their communal forest by illegal loggers
sometime in 1996, and (2) In the earlier times, another group of women were
reported to have stopped a pocket mining operation in the place by
barricading the tunnel with their bare bodies. Such kind of women's actions
crop up especially when policies or decisions are not being adhered to.
Customary Laws/Regulations/Practices
Ecologically fitting customary laws and regulations and practices
govern the lakonlsaguday system. Based on knowledge acquired through
years of existence and experiences, the elders formulated and implement
such laws and regulations.
12
Establishment of lakonlsaguday and its ownership. The Igorol's
attitudes towards land greatly influence the land tenure systems in Mountain
Province. There was a time when mountains were only good for grazing or
pasture lands as there has been only a few trees seen in the mountains. With
the rising need of timber and firewood, people planted trees at certain
grazing or bare areas in the mountains within their village. Eventually, they
have come to a common understanding that the areas wherein individuals,
clans or the community have planted trees become their own, with the right
to regulate the use of their respective claims. Customarily, the Igorots are
allowed to make kaingins in
any unclaimed area or forest within their
territory except that which supports water resources and is a sacred site,
introduce improvements therein and claim exclusive right over the same
area as long as they continuously utilize it.
Improvements include crop
lands and grown timber and/or fruit trees. As reported, some crop lands that
become unproductive and previous kaingins were planted to trees. Without
permanent improvements such as timber and fruit trees planted, used open
lands may revert back to being communal property if no longer utilized, but
children or grandchildren of previous users may reclaim said area based on
the primus occupantis or "first to occupy the land by clearing and using it" or
the "pioneer principle" (Prill-Brett, 1994).
Lobchoy (undated) reported that the present batanganlsaguday in
Besao were once open lands free for use by anyone in the municipality. The
establishment of rice fields or farms for the production of cash crops on
these open lands often requires fencing and/or establishing barriers like
deep canals and high earth mounds, to prevent animals like cattle and wild
boars from destroying their crops. The area enclosed by fence and/or other
boundary markers indicates the limit of the parcel of the land claimed by
individuals, families, or dap-ay group.
In a village, certain areas are
designated by the elders as source of firewood and lumber or as watershed
for the whole community.
Areas supporting water resources and those
considered sacred are automatically deemed as community-owned
protected areas.
From the ancestral territory of the umili (Villagers) emanates the
individual, family, clan and dap-aylakonlsaguday. Prill-Brett (1998) reported
that in the Cordillera, villagers claimed prior rights to territory on the following
bases: (1) the extent of built ricefields and set up permanent hunting traps;
(2) the frequency of hunting in the area; (3) the being first to tap water from
mountain springs to irrigate the fields; (4) the extent to which pasture lands
13
were used continuously by the community; and (5) the improvements made
by the same community on swidden gardens in the forest. Similarly,
Pogeyed (1994) reported that ownership of the communal forest or lands
of the community is based on the extent of their use as a source of water
and raw materials, hunting grounds and/or pasture.
Such lands are
assumed as their territorial
jurisdiction and protected from intrusion by
adjoining communities.
As an individual or family makes kaingin in allowable areas of its
territory and later develop them into tree plantation, or as it develops open
lands into forest, the area becomes its own saguday or /akon. Individual or
family forests usually become corporately-owned. For a few with a large
area, it is subdivided among the heirs or is given to just one heir (Pogeyed,
1994).
Dap-ay saguday in Sagada comes from the communal forest of the
umi/i, awarded to the dap-ay members in exchange of their heroic services
for their tribe such as avenging
the death of a member of their tribe or
successfully defending their territory from enemies (Pogeyed, 1994). This
mode of transfer is called teknang or batog. Dap-ay sagudays may have
been established by tree planting on open lands by the dap-ay members as
in Besao (Lobchoy, undated).
Clan forest owners gradually increased in number as children are
born from each member of the clan and become co-owners of the elan
forest. In an identical situation, individual or family forests may eventually
turn into corporate or elan forests.
Transfer of ownership.
Lakon/saguday may be acquired by
inheritance, swapping, and sale.
In Sagada, the common rule in the acquisition of lakon/saguday
through inheritance is that the eldest child is given the right to acquire the
largest share of the property among the heirs. For couples who are entitled
to divorce due to their being childless, the customary law is that each spouse
may get back his/her individual property, including lakon/saguday which
he/she inherited from his/her own family. In case of the death of either
spouse, his/her property is given back to his/her own relatives. In Besao
and Sagada, a family-owned lakon/saguday/batangan may become
individually owned by virtue of inheritance.
14
Aside from inheritance, villagers can also transfer lakon!saguday
by swapping the area or a portion thereof with another person's or family's
parcel of land as the case may be if one has to acquire a residential lot within
the village. It is the {gorats'practice to cluster their homes in the Village area.
Another mode of lakon!saguday transfer is by sale. Forest lands,
especially those which are inherited customarily, can not be sold except
when owners are in deep financial crisis that force them to sell their forest or
a portion thereof. In case one whole family or clan leaves the community
permanently, they may opt to sell their forest to close relatives who are the
first-priority buyers of such property. It is only when none of their relatives
are interested that it can be sold to any member of the community.
Outsiders are not allowed to acquire forest lands in the village except after
they have established residence, especially by marriage, and are accepted
in the community.
Transfer of property is traditionally announced during social
gatherings such as during the wake for the dead, death anniversary or
weddings. At times, the recipient and/or donor or the buyer and/or seller
usually provide refreshments to those who witness the transfer. As reported
by Prill-Brett (1997), acquisition or alienation of a property often entails
rituals
in traditional/indigenous communities.
Lobchoy
(personal
communication) reported that in Besao, a person who buys a portion of a
saguday performs the "senga, "a thanksgiving celebration led by the amam-
a. In informing the community members about property transfers, fraudulent
transactions involving the same property will be minimized if not totally
prevented.
No tax policy. In their ancestral territory, the people are free to
extract forest resources for their personal use without paying any charge or
fee. According to Pogeyed (1994), no form of fees or taxes is being imposed
by the traditional social institution in the utilization of trees in the sagudays
and communal forest in Sagada since the people protect their claimed
ancestral/communal forest from encroachers, forest fire and unsustainable
utilization through customary regulations.
Volunteerism. Usually, in gratefulness of being allowed to harvest
forest products from someone's lakon!saguday, the permittees voluntarily
render maintenance services such as helping in tree planting, weeding,
pruning and fencing.
15
Rule on naturally-grown trees. A group of persons may exercise
rights over an area of corporate land, and another person over the growing
tree/s he has planted
in the area but wild trees are generally owned in
common (Prill-Brett, 1997). However, there is an observed shift now so that
those naturally grown trees in a lakonlsaguday and those being
protected/maintained by them are considered property of the owners.
Bayanihan/Ug-ugbo/Ob-obbo. The noble Filipino bayanihan
practice (locally called ug-ugbolob-obo) where community members help
their fellow villager/s in doing important hard tasks without expecting any
payment is still practiced in Mountain Province. In forest management, the
bayanihan spirit emerges
during sebseb or putting out forest fires; tree
planting and care and maintenance in communal /akonlsagudaylbatangan;
timber harvesting, lumbering and hauling of timber products for a villager;
and cutting and hauling fuel wood or timber for community affairs, weddings,
or during wakes forthe dead.
The involvement of several villagers in harvesting timber requested by
a co~villager provides an automatic monitoring of the extent by which the
requisitioner will follow the set limits and proper way of harvesting in their
communal forest or saguday. This is one of the important roles of bayanihan
culture.
GaJatis. This refers to a free service/Jabor rendered by the umilifor the
community. Tree planting in the water source/watershed of the umi/i is
usually done by galatis wherein a representative from each household is
required to render free labor in planting trees, including maintenance.
Borrowing. A villager whose plantations are still young for harvesting
may borrow mature standing timber from forest of another person or a clan
or a dap-ay. When members of the lending family/group needs timber later,
the borrower would give them the amount equivalent to what he has
borrowed
Regulatory Measures:
Limitations for harvests.
Limits of harvest is based on what is
actually needed and the number of harvestable trees. Sustenance of
harvestable trees
is always a management objective
in
every
sagudayllakon. The contribution of a member in the development and
maintenance of the forest may be also considered in the setting of harvest
limits. For instance, the menbantay may be allowed to harvest a larger
volume than ordinary members. In Sagada, harvesting timber from
16
20
17
18
19
18
19
20
17
24
Management Practices
Designation of administrator. The one who has the final say with
regard to lakon/saguday concerns is the head of the family in family-owned
lakonslsagudays, the head of the clan or designated caretaker for clan-
owned and the dap-ay council of elders or designated kumiti for the dap-ay
or communally owned lakonslsagudays.
Forest establishment practices. The early inhabitants in some
parts of Mountain Province were able to convert wide areas of grassland
into forest through artificial tree planting. Their goal was to have a nearby
source of forest products, especially firewood and timber. Today in Sagada,
Besao, Bauko and Tadian, pine trees abound and can be found in areas
within and near the villages.
The reported practices on tree plantation establishment practiced by
lakon/saguday owners include the following:
1. An ancestor hanged mature pine twigs with mature cones (Plate 8)
in trees that grew in mountain ridges within their territory. The seeds
dispersed by wind from these cones eventually grew by themselves .
.J~
Plate 8. Pine twigs with mature cones
2. Some planted their kaingin and/or open spaces with trees. They
might have collected wildings as their planting stocks and/or collected seeds
or pine cones and broadcasted (sapuak, Plate 9) them on their areas. For
collecting a considerable amount of wildings, the gimata-a pair of woven
baskets attached at opposite ends of a wooden pole and carried on the
shoulder by a man at the center of the pole, was mainly used as containerfor
transporting.
Usually, the wildings were wrapped with banana stalks or
22
leaves, bundled and carried by the hand, especially if they were only few and
the planting site was near.
For fruit trees,
seeds might be intentionally collected from eaten
fruits and then sown; some seeds were just thrown in the surroundings and
left to grow into mature trees, or later balled-out and transplanted in
preferred sites.
Besao
Bauko
Plate 9. Young pine stand develolPed from sapuak (broadcasted
seeds) in Besao and Bauko
Cuttings of certain species such as tagumbaw (tubang-bakod),
dapdap (Erythrina orientalis), kakawate (Gliricidia sepium) and bamboos
were planted, especially along boundaries of lakons/sagudays to serve as
fence and/or boundary markers.
Planting was commonly done during rainy season, sometimes even
during a monsoon rain period, especially for bare-root or balled-out
wildings. Spacing was roughly calculated, usually about two meters apart
for timber trees. Phasing of planting was reported. Some respondents said
that they planted their area intermittently, planting certain number of trees in
the same site at 1- 3 year intervals, thus taking them several years to
complete the planting of their lakon. Such practice ensures availability of
mature trees at different years.
3. Some respondents reported that they just protected their fakons
and seeds from mother trees around or within were dispersed in them and
grew. Others reported that they planted some of the trees and the rest were
naturally grown.
23
24
25
26
26
25
Traditionally, a villager who cut timber for constructing his own house
is assisted by other villagers in hauling the timber, including the laying out of
the skeletal framework of the house. This is a treasured bayanihan system
practiced in the province.
Seasoning. Lumber is usually sun- or air-dried to reduce its weight
thus making hauling easier. The lumber is either laid flat on the ground or
inclined upward over a natural or artificial support. Another practice is the X-
filing where pieces of lumber are inclined alternately at opposite directions
with the upper ends crossing each other, making an "X" formation (Plate 19).
When pieces of not thoroughly dried lumber are piled, stickers (small pieces
of wood, splitted bamboo culm, or sticks or rona) are placed between them
to facilitate air circulation which aids in drying the lumber.
Plate 19. Drying lumber under the sun
Conflict Management
Some of the practices to resolve/or minimize if not avoid
forest-related issues or conflicts are: (1) designation of an administrator or
menbantay or kumitis, (2) distinctive marking of boundaries, (3) amicable
settlement, (4) referral of cases to elders or officials, and (5) sapata.
It is a common practice that the head of the family or clan is designated
as the menbantay, whose main responsibility is to regulate and oversee the
activities in the forest.
Conspicuous boundaries are established to easily
identify limits of the lakon/saguday. Traditionally used are natural markers
like creeks, rivers, large rocks,
mountain ridges and peaks.
Artificial
markers include long established and used trails, earth mounds, deep
canals, stone walls, and planted rows of trees and/or maguey (Plate 20).
Usually, a combination of said markers are seen in a lakon/saguday.
Conflicts on boundaries, utilization, and other cases related to forest may be
settled by the conflicting parties, oftentimes with the mediation of the elders
29
and/or barangay officials (Pogeyed, 1994). In serious cases where culprits
are unknown or cannot be pinpointed due to lack of or insufficient evidence,
the most effective traditional adjudication process that is applied is the
sapata. In sapata, all possible suspects are made to swear that they are not
the perpetrators of the crime at hand and plead that they be punished
(usually punishment is specified) by supernatural beings should they be
telling a lie. The ceremony is initiated by elders.
The reported tradition of gathering a number of neighbors and/or
distinguished leaders/elders when
buying or transferring
important
properties like forest, or
announcing the transfer of forest property to
buyers, heirs or beneficiaries during cultural gatherings such as after burial
of their dead or during reunions or weddings plays an important role in
minimizing, or settling conflicts arising from ownership and rights over the
resource. The gatherings are effective means of obtaining witnesses and
informing the public about the transaction so that unscrupulous claimants or
squatters may be discouraged.
Irrigation canals
A large rock used as a corner
marker of a forest property
Tuping (stonewall) separating
Gaang (deep canal)
two lakons in Kayan, Tadian
Plate 20. Various forms of lakon!saguday boundary markers
30
Plate 20. Continued...
Foot trail separating two lakons
Creek separating two sagudays in
in Sanao, Bauko
Ankileng, Sagada
Beliefs Related to LakonlSaguday System
The Igorots have many beliefs associated with trees/forests that
influence their actions, and inculcates fear of doing harm to their forests,
especially on their watersheds and sacred sites/trees.
Promoting
forest/tree conservation/protection are the beliefs that trees/forests sustain
springs, that unseen beings or spirits reside in forests and old trees, that
wasteful utilization depletes forest resources (umaposlmaukosj, that there
are sacred sites and mountains; and that in /awalinayan, sapata and
witchcraft are true.
Trees/Forests Sustain Springs
Forests or trees believed to sustain springs used by the community
are given special attention. In the case of Banao, Bauko, two trees
31
overshadowing two springs in the community are believed to be responsible
in producing the said springs. Thus they are strictly protected by the
villagers.
Belief on Unseen Beings
or Tree/Forest Spirits
Folks believe that certain spirits dwell in forest areas or in trees,
springs, rocks or caves. The spirits may be benevolent or malevolent. In
some cases, they may cause misfortune to humans. Hence, in Fidelisan,
Sag ada, pregnant women are prohibited from going to the forests, springs,
papa/ayan
or places that are considered pangilin or mangilin (home of
spirits) during early morning, high noon and late afternoon. During these
times, malevolent spirits are believed to be in the balaan (springs),
papa/ayan (sacred tree), waterfalls, or anything that is believed to be homes
of spirits. The forest is associated with essential wildlife (fauna) that humans
disturb when they do some tasks in it like hunting, wood cutting, and passing
through or
exploring as that done by tourists.
If spared from human
disturbance at specific times such as early morning, high noon, and late
afternoon, diurnal wildlife (fauna) that would be frightened for the rest of the
hours of the day may have the chance to find food, eat and rest.
Before a tree that is being cut falls, traditional tree cutters shout to
warn spirits which are believed to cause misfortune or illness if hurt by the fall
of the tree.
Sapata is practiced because they believe that kabunyan (supreme
god) and other unseen spirits help bailout rightful people from troubles and
punish the culprits. Sapata is not taken lightly. If a suspect or an accused
swore through the act of sapata that he did not do the act blamed upon him, a
great misfortune is believed to befall him if he lied.
One very important belief of these people is that wasteful or abusive
extraction of trees will cause the fast depletion offorest resources or decline
of goods and services derived from forests. This belief is associated with the
existence of spirits inhabiting the trees or forest orthe so-called sacred trees
or sacred sites.
Some respondents reported that it is their belief that
wasteful utilization or destruction of forest will drive away the spirits
32
inhabiting it and results to shying away (maukos!umapos) or loss of water if
the area is a watershed.
Belief in sacred mountains. In Besao is a sacred mountain named
Mount Mogaw (Plate 21). Covered with forests, it is where elders perform
annual rituals of offerings to ask the spirits for protection from calamities and
illnesses, such as that it is called the "healing mountain." This mountain is
known to the folks to be the dwellings of buJaJakaos (forest spirits/fairies). In
sacred areas or in places known as home of spirits, some people can get lost
or become ill due to impolite acts such as leaving excreta or creating
unnecessary noise such as shouting.
Plate 21. Mount Mogao in Besao, Mt. Province
When sacred areas/mountains (home of anitos or spirits) are burned,
or damaged, it is believed that the spirits may bring calamities to the village.
Thus, when such areas are burnt, a ritual is performed to appease the
unseen occupants.
Belief in sacred trees/sites.
Areas considered as enchanted,
sacred or home of spirits should be left untouched. One who cuts trees
therein means bringing bad luck or illness to himself, or a calamity to the
community. In Fidelisan, Sag ada, two areas are designated as sacred
places: pattong, which protects/supports a spring; and podey, which is the
papatayan (a place of a sacred tree where animals are butchered for rituals
such as the begnas of the village). Papatayan (Plate 22), known as
papakdean
or pakpakedfan in Bauko, is common in traditional Igorot
communities.
33
Bangguitan, Besaa
Banaa, Bauka
Bila, Bauka
Tetep-an, Sagada
Plate 22. Sacred trees in papatayanlpapakdean
A tree in the papakdean in Tadian, despite having been struck by
lightning and now dead but still standing, is still undisposed as it is
considered sacred.
If the sacred tree has to be cut as it may pose danger to life and
property, the amam-a have to conduct a ritual to request the unseen
occupants to leave before the tree is cuVremoved.
Lawa and Inayan Belief
Elders or parents frequently advise younger generations about the
things that they are not supposed to do (the lawa or bad/evil things) because
doing lawa ;s inayan (dreadful).
Inayan connotes ill/evil things that may
happen as a result of doing unfair practices to others. In other words, they
fear (inayan) doing bad acts (Iawa). The lawa belief could be applied in
34
forestry practices such as harvesting trees without the
permission from
owners or dap-ay leaders, carelessness resulting to destructive forest fires,
and the like.
Belief in Witchcraft
The folks believe in the practice of witchcraft, known as sapo. Sapo
is believed to be real, and effective in deterring pernicious acts such as
stealing or causing damages to properties of others. A mensapo can cause
illness or other evil things on anybody, especially to avenge wrong-doings.
The term sapo, however, does not only mean a ritual to produce ill effects,
but may be used to invoke blessings and good effects through a form of
prayer to the unseen (Ngina, 2004).
Mensapo is no longer popular or
known, nor believed by most of the present young generation.
Belief in Trees Unfit for Use
In Ankileng, Sagada, some folks believe that they should not build
houses out of trees that were previously struck by lightning. If they do so,
lightning will strike the house that will be built by them. In Fidelisan, Sagada,
using trees taken from sacred areas in constructing a house is believed to
cause bad effects on animals to be raised in that house.
Other Beliefs
Other beliefs in specific areas have been noted during the interview
with respondents. In Ankileng, Sagada, people believe that dividing a forest
found in one location among the heirs is not good. Thus, this forest land is
inherited by either only one or all of the heirs. A member of the family or clan
who provides their needs in times of crisis may be awarded the clan or family
forest.
The folks believe that disposing an inherited property or forest
displeases their ancestor who provided it to them.
Furthermore, they
believe that in cutting timber for a house, the first tree to be cut must fall to the
ground unobstructed, and a ceremony known as id-idew is necessary. The
respondents reported that the non-observance of these beliefs invites bad
luck and may cause misfortune to timber harvesters. Id-idew entails
butchering a chicken, accompanied by a prayer as follows:
"Inmeyak
nanbakir et gawis tay naminpinsan/nandadawes. No waday maiyaat to si
udom/tapin di agew, uray ket nakdeng di biang na.~ ("I went to cut a tree and
it was good that it fell to the ground unobstructed. Hence I offer this chicken
as an antidote to whatever unfavorable things to happen in the next days
35
while I continue harvesting timber for my house).~
In Bila, Bauko, a belief that the eb-eb/ba/aan (springs) will dry if
people violate the tengaw/safigao (community rest day) as part of their
begnas. Begnas is a traditional ceremony done to give thanks to, at the
same lime to ask bountiful harvest from, kabunian (supreme god) and
spirits. In the same place, including other barangays of Bauko and Tadian,
they believe in leg/eg, a ceremony that will ask for more water from the spirits
of springs or watersheds. In Sumadel and Masla, Tadian, the elders believe
in the sacredness of a big stone (stone at Ga-o), thus they perform at
summertime the tungo or ritual to offer butchered chicken mixed with etag
or salted/smoked meat with the bathing of the stone purposely to invite the
rain (Dumanghi, 2007). With such belief, the stone at Ga-o and its environs
are protected/preserved.
Factors Weakening the LakonlSaguday System of Forest
Establishment and Management
Seen as the major disincentives that weaken the /akonlsaguday
system of forestation or that discourage people in general
to plant and
maintain trees solely by their own efforts are the laws/rules/ordinances on
taxation and slope and elevation limits where harvesting timber is
allowed, cumbersome permitting process, and cultural changes such
as the diminished elders' authority over community affairs and weakened
cultural beliefs meant to protect/conserve trees/forest and bayanihan spirit
among villagers, vis-a-vis evolving self-centeredness, cash-mentality, and
apathy among people.
laws/Rules/Ordinances on Taxation
The respondents complain or are apprehensive of the taxes/charges
collected if they register trees they planted, and of the higher real property
tax for timber lands, and permit required, as well as forest charge collected, if
they harvest theirtrees.
They strongly insinuate that they would rather plant short-term
agricultural crops such as vegetables and root crops which will not require
harvesting permit and forest charges.
36
The irony is that, trees take many years to attain maturity, thus the
planter needs to wait for a long time before reaping economic benefits. If an
owner registers his planted trees, he is required to pay tax for each, with the
tax increasing as the trees grow bigger. However, at the same time, the
environment is help improved by the trees being maintained. Then comes
harvesting after so many years wherein the owner needs to acquire cutting
and transport permits and to pay forest charges before the crop can be
harvested and delivered to market. He even pays higher land-use tax year
after yearforthe timber land as compared to what is collected from privately-
owned or a "tax-declared" idle land. This could be too much for the farmer.
On the other hand, on vegetables and root crops raised on the same area,
harvest and product transport permits and charges are not imposed. Unlike
the trees that grow and improve the environment, raising such cash crops
usually entails pesticides and synthetic fertilizers that will damage the
environment, and may resultto significant soil erosions.
To encourage people develop their land into forest which will benefit
the general public through environmental improvement, the respondents
strongly suggest that they should be given tax breaks/holidays until they
harvest their trees, and a non-cumbersome and expeditious permitting
system should be institutionalized.
Exempting privately planted and maintained trees from taxes is
expected to greatly motivate people to plant and care their own trees. To let
people plant and maintain trees in their idle lands, the local government
should reverse the tax rate for idle lands and forested land - that is, idle land
should be imposed with higher tax than that of the forested land; and still
better ifforested land should be exempted from annual tax.
The laws requiring forest charges are R.A. 7161, dated 1991, DAD
19 (June 16, 1995) and DAO 2000-63. These DAO's impose P715.00/m'
forest charge for "softwood" in which the Benguet pine (batang) belongs.
Requiring cutting and transport permits is a mandate stated in P.O. 705, Sec.
68.
In the provincial, municipal level, registered trees of at least 6" in
diameter and 8' trunk length are subject to taxation, and timber land is taxed
higher than that of idle lands.
37
Slope and Elevation limits Allowable
forTimberHarvesting
Forestry law bans logging on areas above 50% slope and 1000 m
elevation above sea level. DAO No. 25, s 1992, otherwise known as the
Implementing Rules and Regulations of R.A. 7586 or NIPAS Act, provides
that, in developing technical description for identified virgin forests as a
protected area, contiguous residual forests of good quality that is above
1000 m in elevation with slope greater than 50% are included (Sec. 3a).
Furthermore, P.O. 705, Sec. 15 provides that lands 18% in slope and above
are for forestry purposes; therefore, they cannot be alienated or disposed.
Similarly, SP Res. 287 (Provincial Ordinance No.64), the Environment Code
of Mt. Province, provides that trees planted on areas above 50% slope
should be preserved.
The above provisions are disadvantageous to the people of Mt.
Province because the province's topography is generally rugged, and
mostly are with more than 50% slope. The available areas for tree planting
in the province are mostly above 50% slope and 1000 m above sea level
elevation.
With such provisions, open areas with 50% slope, or 1,000 m
elevation
and above in the province may not be planted to trees by the
owners because they would not be allowed to harvest the trees they will
plant.
Cumbersome Permit Processing
An added burden for farmers if they choose trees as their crops is the
need to acquire cutting permit prior to harvesting the tree that they will raise
solely at their own, and transport permit if they transport the harvested
products to market or outside harvesting site where the products will be
used.
Permit requirement is necessary to be able to check illegal logging.
However, farmer-friendly process should be established.
38
Cultural Changes
Believed to have promoted forest establishment and conservation in
Mountain Province are the dap-ay system that provides elders full authority
over community affairs;
cultural values
like lawa is inayan and
bayanihanlug-ugbo/ob-obbo
(helping one another); and beliefs like the
existence of spirits in trees/forestlmountain/springs/rivers/rocks, and getting
more than what you personally need (over exploitation) causes resource to
"shy away" (maukoslumapos).
The weakened dap-ay system as seen in the diminished roles of
elders in community affairs and the fading of the "kumiti" system of forest
protection, and the weakened bayanihan spirit and cultural beliefs - these
seemed being replaced by self-centeredness, cash-mentality, and apathy
are seen by some respondents to be threatening the culture-based forest
establishment and management system.
Self-centeredness can be demonstrated by the reported acts of
some to have "tax-declared" a large portion of their community land for
personal use, carelessness of many resulting to damage of trees of others,
and destroying and/or stealing plants of others. Cash-mentality and apathy,
are demonstrated by the use of chainsaw to process trees into lumber
despite knowledge of users on the excessive waste generated by the
machine, and the sale of lumber taken from communal forests. Another
negative change reported by the respondents is that the young generations
are generally lazier, especially in doing manual tasks - the mode by which
ancestors developed and preserved their forests and environment.
Instituting policy reforms and remedial measures to counteract the
negative effects of said cultural changes need to be promptly addressed to
help facilitate the promotion of the lakon/sagudayforestation system.
39
THE NEED TO PROMOTE LAKONISAGUDAY
SYSTEM OF FOREST CONSERVATION
The imposition of forest charges and cumbersome permit
processing prior to harvesting and/or transporting of forest products that are
privately-raised or maintained is an important inequity issue. Such charges
and permit to harvest and transport are not imposed on agricultural crops.
Such inequity weakens
the initiative of the umili to establish and
maintain forest in their lakonslsagudays,
including their cooperation with
the DENR and the PNP/AFP for the protection of existing natural/state forest
from forest fires and illegal loggers. Clearly, this inequity issue connects with
the increase of forest land conversion into agricultural uses as the villagers
must have seen more promise in agricultural cash crops than in taking care
of their forest. Thus, there results a high deforestation rate in the country.
Ignoring this scenario is calamitous, antidevelopment!
As a solution, the Cordillera Green Network calls for the promotion of
the /akonlsaguday system of forest establishment and management. The
task entails the formulation and implementation of an expeditious,
inexpensive and fair registering, updating and regUlatory permitting system
for privately-raised and maintained trees/forests; exempting from forest
charges trees or forest products raised solely through initiatives of local
people; and advertising the adoption of the Jakonlsaguday system to non-
practitioners through print, audio-visual (Video), and other media. CGN
envisions the registering and updating system to be like the processing of a
bank account wherein trees planted and maintained will be registered as
deposits while harvested and reported damaged will be registered as
withdrawals, thus a balance is always computed and posted in the record.
Automation or computerization to facilitate an expeditious permitting system
for privately planted trees is the end goal. By promoting lakon/saguday
forest management system,
forest establishment and protection will be
realized without significant cost on the part of the government, wood-based
industries will regain its reputation as among the top revenue and
employment provider, and environmental conditions will be improved that
will consequently promote public health and productivity, agricultural
sustainability and biodiversity.
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Folktales and Chants of Tadian, Mountain
Province.
Unpublished
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Mountain
Province
State
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LOBCHOY, P. P. (undated). Indigenous Forest Resource Management
Practices. Besao, Mountain Province. Unpublished Paper.
NGINA, K. C. 2004. Sapo as an Indigenous Psychotherapy in Northern
Sagada. Unpublished Undergraduate Thesis. UP-College, Baguio
City.
OSBUCAN, P. B. ET AL. Documentation of Indigenous Forest Management
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Environment and
Natural
Resources-Cordillera Administrative
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rI, I~"~ r";f"
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>rking Paper
laguio.
in
f\\IQIAI n",,, "C" in tho D", ..rl.hn"'lont (', ,rot",·
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DAO 19 (June 16, 1995) and DAO 2000 - 63 (Sept. 2000). Rates of Forest
Charges Pursuant to RA 7161 and Based on FOB Market Price and
Forest Products.
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Presidential Decree 705 (Revised Forestry Code), Sections 15, 16, 54, 68,
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Forest Charges Where Each Cubic Meter of Timber for All Groups
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No. 247 Provincial Ordinance No. 64, June 20, 2005.
Environmental Code of Mountain Province.
42