BIBLIOGRAPHY

SAGAYO, NORA C. APRIL 2012. Processes Involved and Values Learned From
Ammuyo Practice of Bago Tribe in Banga, Sugpon, Ilocos Sur. Benguet State University,
La Trinidad, Benguet.

Adviser: Michelle B. Gatab, BSc

ABSTRACT
The study was conducted to determine the processes involved and values learned
from the practice Ammuyo of bago Tribe in Banga, Sugpon, Ilocos Sur. It described the
process involved in the practice of Ammuyo; identified the changes applied to Ammuyo;
determined the perceived reasons behind the changes that happened to Ammuyo; identified
the challenges in sustaining Ammuyo; determined the strategies in sustaining Ammuyo and
identified the values learned from Ammuyo.

Data were gathered through interview schedule of the five identified key informants
and 20 respondents. Data gathering was conducted on December 2011-January 2012.

Ammuyo is refers to the group labor exchange. It is one form of bayanihan practice
in farming.

It composed of three general stages which are the Awis (invitation), Mula
(planting)/Gapas (harvesting) and Pulang (payment).
Changes applied in the practice were noted on the setting of performing Awis and
method used. The changes in Mula were noted on the responsibility of the host, time of
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Mula and Gapas and materials used. The change on the last stage was noted on the ways
of payment.
There were perceived reasons behind the changes like education, population
increase, climate change, present of technologies, changed in commercial products used,
changed in attitude, differences in beliefs, most preferred white collar jobs, ashamed if
there’s no snack and food to prepare, employment, progressing status of living, lack of time
to join Ammuyo, people shifting to tangdan and dole-out approach of the government.
Some challenges perceived as the reasons behind the changes were education,
differences in belief, presence several of commercial products, people prefer tangdan,
progressing status of living, conflicts of free time, most prefer white collar jobs, laborers
are ashamed if there’s no invitation of the host, climate change, vanishing unity, lack of
family member present in the house, set number of prospect laborers to be invited,
civilization and lost of elders.
The strategies used by the residents were the maintained good relationship among
the people in the community, parents taught their children about Ammuyo and involved
them and the people are involved in religious activities.
There social values learned were enumerated by the respondents as respect for the
elders, cooperation, freedom, unity, friendship, honesty, trustworthiness, solidarity,
responsible, thoughtfulness, peace, patience, helpful, dependent, comfort, faithfulness and
generosity.



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INTRODUCTION

Rationale
Nowadays, some indigenous practices are at risk of becoming extinct because of
modernization. The high technologies cause some changes in the traditional practices. Even
the social status of people in the rural areas is changing. The traditional ways of
communication among the people are also being affected due to this emergence of
communicating device. These changes should not totally degrade or eradicate the
traditional practices established by our ancestors when it teaches us positive values. The
indigenous people should know the importance of the practices passed to them by their
ancestors for them to sustain and protect.
According to Faculo (1993), the indigenous practice of og-ogfu (reciprocal group labor)
was on the wane, indicating that some positive cultural practices that could be harnessed
for self-reliance might eventually gone. This group labor is likened to the lowland
bayanihan.
This reciprocal group labor is still being practiced by the Bago tribe in Barangay Banga,
Sugpon, Ilocos Sur which they call it Ammuyo. This is a bayanihan system during planting
and harvesting season of rice. It is a hand-and-hand work that involves the youth and elders
in the community. A farmer renders service for another farmer in one day and the latter in
exchange is expected to do the same. The number of workers will depend on the wideness
of the area to be planted. It is then the responsibility of the host to prepare food for the
workers.
The reciprocal exchange of labor (Ammuyo) is a relationship which normally persist from
one year to the next involving the same individual at the same task and in the same field.
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In the final analysis, Ammuyo partners will be determined by the sociability of the work
group as a whole and the ease and facility with which the group can move from the task in
one field to the task in another (Lewis, 1979).
The hired labor which is termed tangdan is used when the host required additional help
and it is outside the normal Ammuyo (reciprocal exchange of labor) exchange.
This traditional practice of Ammuyo facilitates communication among the people involved.
It may require an invitation through house-to-house or volunteerism. Moreover, it is the
time that the elders share folk stories to the youth and as well as advices. Some current
issues are talked about and discussed during their snack time and lunch break so it became
the venue for information dissemination among the people. People who are present during
Ammuyo are having updates on events in their community and they share it to their
neighbors.
This practice teach the youth basic livelihood skills, inculcate values of cooperation,
trustworthiness, honesty, unity and respect towards other people especially community
solidarity and friendship.
At present, the number of people practicing this Ammuyo in the municipality is decreasing
and only few practice it to the other barangays of Sugpon. In Barangay Banga there are
still some people practicing Ammuyo despite some changes in the environment. Education
and the changes in social status in the barangay are the perceived causes of the changes in
the practice of Ammuyo.
Dulatre (2009) emphasized that the need to document the farming beliefs and practices is
important, as they may be lost in time. Accounts indicate that the deterioration of
indigenous practices is eminent as views, values perception, changes and internal conflicts
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and culture crisis occur. These threats are manifested by shift in land use from traditional
to commercial farming, thus indigenous practices are displaced. Before this happens,
documentation of the practices is crucial.
Therefore, the researcher aims to document such living tradition to reiterate the importance
of bayanihan system in the development of community despite the changes in its processes.

Statement of the Problem
Generally, the study aimed to identify the processes involved and the values gained from
the practice Ammuyo.

Specifically, it aimed to answer the following questions:
1. What are the processes involved in the practice of Ammuyo?
2. What are the changes applied in the process of Ammuyo?
3. What are the perceived reasons behind the changes that happened to Ammuyo?
4. What are the challenges in sustaining Ammuyo?
5. What are the strategies in sustaining Ammuyo?
6. What are the values learned from practicing Ammuyo?

Objectives of the Study

The study aimed to determine the processes involved and values gained from
Ammuyo.

1. Describe the process involved in the practice of Ammuyo;
2. Identify the changes applied to Ammuyo;
3. Determine the perceived reasons behind the changes that happened to Ammuyo;
4. Identify the challenges in sustaining Ammuyo;
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5. Determine the Strategies in sustaining Ammuyo.
6. Identify the values learned from Ammuyo.

Importance of the Study

This is a modest way of documenting an indigenous way of communicating. It may
serve as a reference material for younger generations of Bago tribes. It may make them
aware on the values gain in this bayanihan practice. Therefore, this practice deserves to be
documented and be practiced because of the values to be gained.
Moreover, the documented materials could be tangible reference for planners in
government, for policy direction and recommendation towards the sustenance of
indigenous practices and the environment. The documents will likewise form a larger
database on indigenous knowledge, skills and practices.
Furthermore, it may help researchers who would want to engage themselves in knowing
more about the Bago tribe practices.

Scope and Limitations

The study focused on the processes involved and values gained from the practice
Ammuyo of the Bago tribes in Banga,Sugpon, Ilocos Sur. Other communication practices
in the areas were not included. The study was conducted on the five sitios of Barangay
Banga namely; Tuyeng, Pungas, Central Banga, Tangilig and Lutaan.




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REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Bago Tribe
Bago National Cultural Society of the Philippines (BNCSPI Society, 1997) describe the
Bago Tribe as part of the 1st Malay Migrating groups to the Philippines, who entered and
settled at the upper delta of the Amburayan River (Ilocos Provinces), with some going
further North and entered and settled at the upper delta of the Abra River and from here,
they (the Bago Tribe) migrated to all parts of the country and even abroad.
These upper deltas of the Amburayan River and Abra River were already inhabited by the
Bago Tribe before the arrival of the Spaniards in the Northern Philippines.
On the other hand, Buaqen (2003) stated that Bagos are hill tribe dwellers in the border
regions between Ilocos and Cordillera mountains who are the offspring of intermarriages
as well as product of trade between mountain tribes of the Cordillera and the Ilokano of the
lowlands. Further more, he stated that Bago people are of medium built yet some resembles
the Kankana-eys with fair complexion and sturdy built.

Anonymous (2002), added that many aspects of the Kankana-ey and Ilokano
cultures are practiced by the Bago people. Their communities can be found along the
Provinces of Benguet, Ilocos Sur, Ilocos Norte, Abra, La Union and Pangasinan.
In Benguet, they are settled somewhere along the boundaries of Bakun and Ilocos Sur.
They attributed their origins to the Besao area. Many of them, as written by Malanes
(2002), trace their roots to the Pingad and some to Kagubatan and Besao, all of which were
part of the old Lepanto district during the Spanish regime and now part of Mountain
Province.
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Moreover, Austin (2003) presented three theories on the origin of the Bagos which are New
Christians Theory, New settlers theory and Neo-tribe theory. The New Christians theory
stated that during the process of Christianization of the Spanish Catholic missionaries, there
were certain groups who were dubbed as “Bagong Kristyano” by those who preceded them.
The name calling stuck and these are now called Bago to this day. On the other hand, the
second theory came in three (3) valid versions. One version is that, a certain groups who
came latest in a sense of migration that entered the Philippines. Sometimes in the country’s
historic past were called “Bagong tribu” by those who came in the territory earlier. The
“Bagong Tribu” ascription was rejoined to become simply “Bago”. And the third theory
points to those migrating families from the “Mt. Province”, particularly called Besao, a
place called Sagada and other places in the present political subdivision of Mt. Province
and Benguet which are contiguous with the upland areas of present-day Ilocos Sur and La
Union.


Group Labor Tradition/Bayanihan

Bayanihan as defined by the University of the Philippines Diksiyunaryong Filipino
(2001) is the oneness of the people in lightening any kind of work through helping and
caring for each other. Some forms of bayanihan are; Alayon, Ammoyo, Araglayon, Bataris,
Buligbuligay, Hungos, Patabang, Pagtabangan, Panatakasi, Tagnawa, Tagup, Tinabangay,
Tagup, and Yaru.
According to Dulatre (2009), one of the many positive traits of Filipinos is being helpful.
Stories abound of people helping each other even during their most dire conditions. It
portrays the Filipinos deep sense of family and community.
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Kintanar (1996) added that bayanihan is the valued practice to cooperate and self-help in
bringing about community projects and activities among Filipinos. The more this is done,
the faster and better the outcomes will be. Andres (2003) affirmed that bayanihan is the
pooling of peoples efforts in order to accomplish a task better and faster.

This is also being supported by Bayani (2005), stating that bayanihan is a type of
Filipino value system where the Filipinos are willing to extend their help to those people
whose are in need to accomplish something worthy and immediate. Thus cooperation
appears to be a key for doing something valuable and duty bound.
Some practice of bayanihan is the traditional reciprocal labor which is being practice by
Bago tribes as stated by Anonymous (2002).
According to Lewis (1971), in the Ilocos Province, other interesting aspects about
cooperative practice are introduced in the practice of reciprocal exchange of labor
(ammuyo), communal assistance (tagnawa), and hired labor (pakiawen).
He further explained that the reciprocal exchange of labor (Ammuyo) is a relationship
which normally persist from one year to the next involving the same individual at the same
task and in the same field. In the final analysis, Ammuyo partners will be determined by the
sociability of the work group as a whole and the ease and facility with which the group can
move from the task in one field to the task in another (Lewis, 1971)
Another the same practice of bayanihan is the og-ogfu, as Faculo (1993) cited in his study
which is applied to agricultural and construction activities. It is practiced on reciprocal
basis by the Bontoc people. It is the responsibility of the caller or beneficiary to prepare
good food for the helpers. Work is done and facilitated with this practice. Some ethnic
communities, particularly isolated have maintained the close kinship system, which one
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main feature is the og-ogfu practice. Hence, small irrigation, footpaths, footbridges, and
foot rails are constructed through the group labor system.
Dulatre (2009) also stated that one form of bayanihan practice is the Ambon which is an
Ilokano term for bayanihan. It pertains to the practice where the villagers help together and
attain one’s needs to achieve one goal. It is manifested in many communal activities-from
agriculture, wedding, and death-to the celebration of fiestas and other personal milestones.
Whatever these are, as long as it requires the help of the rural folk, the Ambon is practiced.
She also added another form of Ambon which is termed Gamal by some of the Ilocanos. It
is an agricultural activity in which the host is not obliged to pay; however, he should serve
snacks and lunch for the laborers. Ambon is necessary because it does not only foster
cooperative effort but it can also improve social relations.
Ambon in its implication can be inferred from the ub-ubu practice of the Ifugaos,
specifically among the women who intend to lighten the burden of fieldwork according to
Vicente (2003).
Ubbu further explained by Daguitan (2010) that it is the formation of a partnership or group
labor for exchange. A farmer renders service for another farmer for a number of days, and
latter in exchange is expected to do the same. The number of group members depends on
the task to be performed. During harvest or transplanting, more people group themselves
and go from one field to another owned by members.








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Changes in Indigenous Practices

Since culture is cumulative and dynamic, as noted by Weber (2002), culture has the
tendency to grow, expand and continually changes. Accordingly, technology does not
totally stop people from practicing traditional means of communication , instead, the
changes in culture is due to the alterations of life’s conditions within a society.
However, Prill (1999) as cited by Oloan (2010) stated that many Indigenous knowledge
systems today are at risk and of becoming extinct because of the rapid changes in natural
environments and fast pacing of the economy. The indigenous practices vanish as they
become inappropriate for new challenges. Many practices disappear only because of the
intrusion of foreign technology or development concepts that promises short-term gains or
solutions to problems without being capable of sustaining them.
Due to these, Dulatre (2009) further stated that the preservation of practices gradually
changes. She stated also that one reason is urbanization. In which primary relations turn to
secondary and there is slow disappearance of personal relationships in the family, kin and
neighbor.
On the other hand, Gloria (1987) emphasized that within a culture itself, it is possible to
discern certain processes by which the culture changes: innovation, or the formation of a
new habit by a single individual which is afterwards accepted and learned by the other
members of the society; social acceptance, in which a new habit is accepted by a small
number of individuals; selective elimination, where the innovation or the new habit is
tested for survival of individual experiences; integration which completes the adjustments
of the new habit with the rest of the shared habits to form an equilibrium.
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Warren (1991) also specified that Indigenous Knowledge in agriculture is dynamic and it
changes through creativity and innovativeness as well as through contact with other local
and international knowledge systems.
Faculo (1993) further explained that one specific example of traditional practice which is
fading is the og-ogfu or og-ogbu, a free and reciprocal labor. Due to people’s orientation,
according to him, that Bontoc and Kankana-ey engineers, was changing from a selfless
community welfare-oriented type to a cash-oriented ad self-serving kind. As they said, the
people believed that the government should provide for all infrastructure needs and that
they should be paid when they render labor.
Moreover, he concluded that the programs have negatively affected people’s initiatives
towards self-reliance particularly the group labor tradition.
NASAR (1968), as cited by Carantes (1994), noted that the “domination of nature”, which
includes the encounter of man and nature with technology, has become a matter of concern
that has caused “social illness” within human habitat as well as environmental difficulties
which are insurmountable.
He also added and specified that elders, DPWH engineers, people’s attitude was changing
from being a selfless community to cash and self-serving, as indicated by natives non-
response when called upon to render group labor for their needed basic infrastructure.
Tudlong (1993) noted that in considering the implication of cultural beliefs and knowledge
for development and modernization, planners, scientist and other educator should not view
traditional cultural beliefs as obstacle that should be overcome when we speak of
development and process to succeed. Instead it maybe more useful to both the development
planners of particular area to view cultural beliefs and traditions as important sources of
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information and knowledge that can increase, compliment and enrich over all scientific
understanding that can help prevent them from making costly mistakes on inadequate data,
and that can aid traditional groups in their adjustments to the development belief system,
values and knowledge, for it may be in many cases better to encourage their maintenance
and continued accumulation of information within the indigenous belief system.


Challenges Encountered in Sustaining
Indigenous Practices

According to Prill (1987), as cited by Oloan (2010), practices vanish, as they become
inappropriate for new challenges or because they adapt too slowly. However, many
practices disappear only because of the intrusion of foreign technologies or development
concepts that promise short –term gains or solutions to problems without being capable of
sustaining them.
Fiar-od (2001) as cited by Saydoven (2010), affirmed that the introduction of modern
methods has greatly affected the traditional practices. To a certain degree, this has also
affected the culture of the community. The adoption of these new methods is not bad,
especially that this contributed to agricultural productivity; however, it is also important
that traditional beliefs and practices have been viewed as component of marginal farmers
without the interference of external forces.

Values Learned from Indigenous Practice
The culture identity can be manifested in the individual aspiration on the spirit of oneness.
Rural people traditionally have accorded importance to group and community when
addressing common problems. Apparently, they believe that individual aspirations can be
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achieved most successfully if individual effort is supplemented with cooperative endeavors
Dulatre (2009).

Furthermore, on the true spirit of cohesiveness and in the achievement of success
in social activities, Peralta (1996) stressed that the neighborhood is the focal point of most
social activities. Semi-specialists are present and role-differentiation is discernible. The
boundaries of role performance is somewhat diffused and there is a tendency towards
homogeneity in the aspect of community aspirations within this subcultures.

Another good effect of cooperative work as added by Kintanar (1996) is
cooperation and social relations that can facilitate teamwork; enhance efficiency and
quality of bonding and interpersonal relationships that enable to the community folks to
get by. Cooperation represents an investment to individual and group identity, which can
lead to the development of social network and eventually, better social outcomes.

Bayani (2005) supported that bayanihan is a type of Filipino value system where
the Filipinos are willing to extend their help to those people whose are in need to
accomplish something worthy and immediate. Thus cooperation appears to be a key for
doing something valuable and duty bound.
Agoncillo (1990) further explained that a series of interaction to form a continuous process
of getting along within is in the spirit of the Filipino value of pakikisama (being together
to serve the purpose of group harmony).

One practice which pakikisama is observed is in the practice of Ambon. It is practice
as a form of cooperation which indicates their high sense of working together,
communicating together, and maintaining a sense of belonging to a community. What
constitutes in here is the value of social worth Dulatre (2009).
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Operational Definition of Terms
Ammuyo- This is a term of Bago tribe about the bayanihan system done through a group
reciprocal labor.
Awis- This is the term of the Bago tribe on invitation.
Talin- It refers to the container of rice seedlings used by the laborer which is tied in their
waist when planting.
Mula- It is the term of the Bago tribe on planting.
Gapas- It is the term of the Bago tribe on harvesting palay.
Pulang- It refers to the payment of the host through labor to the other farmers who rendered
service during his pa-Ammuyo. This is the last stage during the Ammuyo practice.

Tangdan- It a form of bayanihan which refers to a cash-basis mode of payment to
the any rendered service of a laborer.














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METHODOLOGY

Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted in Barangay Banga, Sugpon, Ilocos Sur (Fig. 1) from December
2011 to January 2012. The place was chosen as the study area because the residents still
practice Ammuyo.
Sugpon has a land area of 182.80 kilometers with a population of 3,381 in 1995. It is
composed of six barangays.
Sugpon is an agricultural community and the people are small farm-owner cultivators
whose crops are rice, camote, gabi, yam, legumes, coffee, and tobacco. The farmers are
also engaged in backyard hog, goat, chicken and large cattle-raising. The home industry is
bamboo bag-making. General merchandise and rice mills are the only business
establishment in the municipality.

Barangay Banga is one of the six barangay which is the locale of the study.
Barangay Banga is surrounded by swidden farming, thus farming is mostly the occupation
of the residents. Some other sources of income are yam and sugarcane production where
Ammuyo practice is observed.
Barangay Banga has a population of more than seven hundred and it is the most populated
among the other Barangays. It has five sitios namely: Tuyeng, Pungas, Central Banga,
Tangilig and Lutaan.

Respondents of the Study

There were five (5) elders as the key informants of the study. They were chosen
purposively according to the set criteria that they should be residents of Barangay Banga,
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sixty (60) years old and above, knowledgeable and exposed to the practice of Ammuyo, and
experienced being the host and as a laborer. They were Martina Sagayo (82) years old,
Sowena Ansay (78), Liwayan Quinio (89), Fermin Ramon (67), and Arsenio Luvida (65).

In addition, another twenty (20) respondents were chosen purposively for the study.
They are classified into ten adults (10) women and men farmers, five respondents working
in offices, and five (5) youth in the community. The criteria for selecting were: they are
residents of the barangay, knowledgeable about the practice Ammuyo, and participated in
the practice.

Socio-Demographic Profile of the Respondents
There were twenty five respondents of the study. Five of the twenty five respondents are
elders who served as the key informants. They were personally interviewed by the
researcher. Twenty (20) were a mixture of adults and youth in the community who were
classified into women, working in offices and not practicing Ammuyo, and youth.
Elders. The key informants were under the age bracket of 65 to 89. Three key informants
were aged bracket of 65 to 75, one belonged to 76 to 85 and one aged 86 to 95. Three were
males and two females. With regards to the key informants educational attainment, three
of the elders have no formal education while two are under elementary level.






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F

Figure 1. Map of Ilocos Sur showing the locale of the study
Furthermore, three key informants belonged to sitio Tuyeng, Tangilig, and Lutaan while
the two key informants belonged to Central Banga. Four of the key informants stayed in
the barangay of Banga for 65 to 75 years and one key informant stayed under the year’s
bracket of 76 to 85.
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All of the key informants are farmers and participated to the practice of Ammuyo for 50 to
80 years. Two key informants have been participating Ammuyo for 50 to 60 years and the
other two have been participating for 71 to 80 years and one has been participating for 61
to 70 years.

According to the key informants, they have started practicing Ammuyo at the age
of 12. Therefore, they have been participating in Ammuyo for 53 to 77 years.
Adults. For the respondents the ten (10) adults were aged 35 to 59. There were five adults
under the age bracket of 35 to 40, four adults are under 41 to 50 and one aged 51 to 59. All
of the adult respondents started participating in the practice at age fifteen (15).

There were nine (9) of respondents under the age bracket of 20 to 40, eight
respondents under 41 to 59. According to the respondents they have been participating in
the practice when they were in elementary and high school. However, they stopped when
they worked. They were employed as elementary teacher, employee of the department of
Agriculture, Social Worker and elected as barangay captain,

Youth. The four of the five youths are college students and one graduated in high
school and is currently working. They started participating in the practice Ammuyo at the
age of 14 to 17. There were under the age bracket of 17 to 22.

Data Collection

The key informants were referred by the barangay captain and folks of the
barangay Banga. They then were interviewed personally by the researcher with guide
questions. On the other hand the other respondents were interviewed with a guide
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questions. The questions were translated to Iloco in order to facilitate understanding
between the researcher and the respondents.

Data Gathered

The data gathered were the processes involved and values gained by the Bago tribe from
the practice Ammuyo. Specifically, the changes applied in the process of Ammuyo; the
perceived reasons behind the changes; the challenges encountered in sustaining Ammuyo;
strategies in sustaining Ammuyo and the values learned from the practice.

Data Analysis

The data gathered were consolidated, tabulated, summarized and presented in a
narrative form.























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RESULT AND DISCUSSION


This section presents the analysis and discussion of the data based on the objectives of the
study. It covers description of the process of Ammuyo; the changes applied to Ammuyo;
reasons behind the changes that happened to Ammuyo; the challenges in sustaining
Ammuyo; and the values learned from Ammuyo.

Processes Involved in the Practice of Ammuyo

Figure 2 presents the communication processes involved in the practice of Ammuyo. All of
the key informants stated the same steps in performing the practice. They enumerated three
general stages of Ammuyo. These are Awis (invitation), Mula (Planting) and Apit (harvest),
and Pulang (payment).

Awis or invitation by the host. The host (who is the head of the family) assigned
any of his children to do the invitation. He mentioned the names of the prospect laborers
to be invited. The usual message relayed to the target workers says “antie/ankle ay mabalin
umay kayo makimula no bigat idiay uma mi no awan ti apanan yo?” (aunt/auncle can you
come tomorrow for planting in our field if you don’t have other appointment?). This was
done in advance but usually one day before the practice of Ammuyo. It was through house-
to-house visit, text or call with the use of cellular phones, and accidental meeting. The
sender of invitation who was assigned by the host informed the prospect laborers about the
location of the swidden farm and the day of Ammuyo. The host of invitation has to have an
immediate feedback from the prospect laborer to know if the target number of workers is
completed. If not, the host will invite more since there are a target number of laborers.
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In some cases, if the prospect laborer had other appointment he/she assigned any
available member of their family to be her/his proxy or if none, he/she will apologize.
The receivers of the invitation (prospect laborers) were usually the relatives and neighbors
of the host. The number of laborer is set by the host of Ammuyo. In addition, this depends
on the area of the farm to be planted or harvested.
Mula or planting and Gapas or harvest. The prospect laborer has to bring their own
materials used in planting or harvesting. All of the laborers have to proceed in the specific
area where they will plant. If they reached the field, they will rest for a minute while waiting
for the other workers before mixing the rice seedlings to be planted. After they were all
presents anyone will mix the Sevin (synthetic insecticide) with water into the rice seedlings
in a lagba (large basket). The one to mix estimated the exact amount of water and Sevin
which will mix to the rice seedlings. He/she will mix all the three components thoroughly.
The laborers will put the mixed seedlings in their own talin or container for rice seedlings
to start the planting. In this stage, the laborers used their trowel and talin or container for
rice seedlings in planting.
The workers spread their selves at the bottom of the swidden farm based on the
wideness of the area in a one line position going up planting. At ten o’clock in the morning
the host prepared the snack like bread tinupig or sinuman (rice cake) with barako (brewed
coffee) and calls the workers. The workers were also interact and shared like stories and
talking about incoming occasions.
They also had their lunch break at 12 noon and afternoon snack at 3 PM.
Meanwhile, for lunch, the menus distributed by the host are dog meat, chicken, pork, and
beans with pancit. The menus vary from sitio to sitio. The laborers had brought their own
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cooked rice. During these breaks, the laborers had conversation about upcoming weddings;
they gave advices to young laborers; and informed the next Ammuyo in their village.
Pulang or Payment through labor. Pulang is the last stage of the Ammuyo. The host worked
backs to each of the workers who rendered service in their farm. This is where the
reciprocal labor was done. An invitation was conducted by the worker who was now the
host.

In some cases, the laborer informed in advanced the host during his/her planting
about her/his schedule too of planting. Therefore, some laborer who informed in advanced
are not invited any more in their house. However, in some cases where two laborers
scheduled the same day of planting, the hosts (debtor) send any member of the family,
young or old, to each of the laborer to pay back. There was no age limit for those who
work as long as they had experience in planting or harvesting.

There were some reasons why the host cannot pay back through labor the laborer.
First is the unavailability of any family member to be sent if the laborer has other
appointment during the set day or two laborers had the same schedule. This happened if
the host had a few family members in the family who were present. Second reason is if the
laborer had no swidden farm to be planted therefore, the host pays him/her through a can
of palay. Third is the choice of the laborer if h/she preferred palay than labor as the payment
of her one day service.

Changes Applied in the Process of Ammuyo.
All of the key informants stated that there are changes on the stage of invitation,
Mula or planting and Pulang or payments of the service rendered by a worker.
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Awis (Invitation). Table 1 shows the changes on the Awis stage. All of the key informants
stated the same changes in the way of invitation from purely personal meeting during small
occasions like gamal (similar to Ammuyo but the method of payment was through meat
distribution), accidental meeting if there was no gamal and during picnic of the old folks
to house-to-house invitations, accidental meeting and texting.
Who Performs. With regards to the one who invites, the traditional practice was
still the same up to the present. The host and any family member did the task.
Time for performing invitation. The time of conducting invitation was done in a
different setting. The old practice of the elders was done during small occasions like gamal
(similar to Ammuyo but the method of payment was through meat distribution), picnic of
the old folks and also accidental meetings. The elders preferred this method because their
houses were located away from each other and they fixed their schedules of planting.

Table 1. Changes on the Awis
PROCESS WHO PERFORMS SETTING
MATERIAL USED
IT
PAST
PRESENT PAST
PRESENT
PAST
PRESENT
Awis
The
Any
During
House-to-
Face-to-
Cellular
phone
(Invitation) host
assigned
small
house,
face
member of celebrations accidental

the family and
meeting and
accidental
through text

meeting,
picnic

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On the other hand, the present practice of inviting was done house-to-house because their
houses were near from each other. In addition, they wanted to be the first to make an
appointment for the Ammuyo.
Materials used. Also, they stated that the use of cellular phone was applied in the
invitation especially for laborers whose houses were located distantly. However, they said
that the use of cell phone was not reliable to use because there was a disruption of signal
and they received responses late. Moreover, one of the respondents added that there was
no need for invitation before because the villagers were automatically invited. Today, the
host selected the laborers he wanted to invite but there were still volunteers.
Mula (Planting). Table 2 shows the changes on the process of Mula (planting) and Gapas
(harvest). All of the key informants noted changes on the responsibility of the host, time of
Mula, and materials used.

Responsibility of the Host. The changes happened on the responsibility of the host
was on the preparation of food for the laborers during Mula. In the old practice, the host
did not prepare any snacks and food for the worker during the planting instead each worker
had to bring his/her own baon. The host today practiced serving snacks like bread, sinuman
or tinupig (rice cake) and special viand like, legumes with pancit bihon, chicken meat, dog
meat and pork for the workers.
According to the elders, they usually brought sweet potato or rice for lunch and
their viand could either be salt or legumes like cardis (pigeon pea), black beans and patani
(lima bean). They also added that they were enough patience to bear their hunger unlike
the young farmers today who are easily hungry and complain.


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Table 2. Changes on the Mula and Gapas

PROCESS RESPONSIBILITY OF TIME OF MULA
MATERIALS USED
THE HOST

PAST
PRESENT PAST
PRESENT PAST
PRESENT
Mula
No snack
With
April to
May to
Tubong
Plastic
or
and viand snack and May
June
bottle
Planting
to prepare viand





Bayag,
Biit variety



macarania
of rice




g,pak-ang,
seedlings






gumaki




variety of




rice




seedling









Sevin


DDT


insecticide






insecticide
Gapas
No change No change October to October
Rakem,
Rakem,
or
November November kumpay,
kumpay,
Harvesting
&
screen,
screen,
December sacks
sacks and

Thresher,

According to the respondents, the reason for the situation was because of the
difference in foods they consume. Before, they were contented with root crops unlike
today; they ate instant foods that caused them to feel hungry in a short while.
However, they saw it as challenge for some of them because they were not all
capable of providing snacks and viands for big numbers of laborers.
Time of Performing Awis. All of the elders stated the same change in the month of
planting. The old practice was during the month of April to May. Almost all of the farmers
before had planted during the month of April and only few planted during the month of
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May. Thus, they could already harvest during the month of October and November for the
late planters. At present, the farmers planted during the month of May to April because of
the change in the climate thus they harvested during the months of November to December.
The elders further explained that the changes in the season had affected the quantity and
quality of their harvest. There were bigger amounts of harvest before than now.
As Fermin Ramon, one of the key informant have stated “Gapu’t naladaw nga
panagmula da tadta ket adda payla agisangsangbot ag-gap-gapas ti bulan ti December
han nga kasla idi nga no agtaptaposen bulan ti November ket awan makitam nga madama
payla ti gapas na. Wen a adda ti simugmamano ngem idiay masugad ti Nobember laeng”.
(Because of the late schedule of planting today, there were still some who rushed their
harvest during December unlike before.
Materials used. All of the elders stated the same changes in the materials
particularly on the talin (container for the rice seedlings)with a string around it and tied in
the waist of each worker, variety of the rice seedlings to be planted, and powder brand of
the insecticide they mixed to the rice seedling as protection from ants and birds.

Tubong and weaved bamboo were the talin used in the old practice. The elders
explained that these were the available materials they found in their environment. These
were hand made by the elders and it was not durable because it only lasted for a year. It
was replaced by plastic bottles. It served as containers of oil. It was colored red and was
circular so the right hand could pick up rice seedlings.

Bayag, Makaraniag, Gumaki, and Pak-ang were the varieties of rice planted.
According to Martina Sagayo, one of the key informants stated that these varieties grew
with different heights. This was replaced because it was difficult to harvest due to its
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uneven height. Furthermore, the thresher was now used during gapas (harvesting), so it
was difficult for them to thresher stalks with different lengths. These were replaced by the
Biit or R2 varieties which had shorter lengths in producing fruits and had the same heights
when it grew. It helped the farmers harvest easily and thresher the palay.

DDT (dichloro-diphenyl-trichloro-ethane) as an insecticide first used worldwide in
1946 to increase agricultural production and to reduce disease vectors (carriers) the brand
of insecticide used in the old practice of the elders. The purpose of mixing insecticide to
the rice seedling was to prevent the seedlings from ants and birds. This was the traditional
brand they used and tried. It was now replaced by the Sevin (a broad-spectrum insecticide,
meaning it will kill all sorts of insects. This did include beneficial insects such as ladybugs,
lacewings, and praying mantids) brand because they found it stronger and more effective
through their experiment. Moreover, it was cheaper than DDT.

Gapas (Harvesting). In the stage of Gapas, there was only an addition on the
materials used like the thresher. It was used to separate the grains from the stalk. The old
practice of the elders was through manual separation of the grains from the stalk. The
presence of thresher made the work of the farmer easy during harvest because they saved
effort and time.
Pulang (Payment through labor). Table 3 shows the changes on the process of Pulang
(payment of the host). All of the respondents stated the same change in the way of Pulang
(payment) of the host which was through labor.
Ways of Pulang. Pure labor was used by the host to pay the laborer in the old practice.
Since all farmers organized their schedules, they were informed when to pay back each
other through work. There were only few farmers living at a farther distance and so they
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were the ones who helped each other in their works like during Innamuyuan in planting.
They were usually from different sitios working together through Ammuyo and no one paid
back through a can of rice. The present practice was either paying back the laborer by the
host through labor or a can of rice which was equivalent to one day service debt.
According to Arsenio Luvida, one of the key informants, the presence of much
harvest of some farmer cannot be paid back through labor, just a can of palay would do.
He added that the absence of a family member sent to pay was one reason why some were
just paying through a can of palay.
Time. October to November was the harvest season in the old practice of the elders.
The farmers before had planted during the month of April to May thus, they could harvest
after six months. It was now moved from May to June. They harvested late during the
month of November to December because they had to wait for six months for the palay to
ripen.
According to the respondents, the farmers applied some changes in order to adapt
with the environmental changes like climate change, however, some of the changes were
beyond their control due to education or emergence of commercialized products. Despite
the changes in the practice of Ammuyo, it was seen by the elders as an instrument in
maintaining good relationship with their neighbors.
This result corroborates the finding of Dulatre (2009) that the ambon will modify
or change. The Ambon was seen by the old folks as a binding instrument for a closer
community relationships maybe seen by some younger folks as a hindrance to a material
reward.
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Furthermore, this finding corroborates the result of study of Faculo (1993) on her study
about the Indigenous institutions, beliefs and practices of the Bontoks and Kankanaeys of
Mountain Province: Its implications for rural development that the group labor practice in
Bontok and kankana-ey was changed from a selfless community welfare-oriented type to
a cash-oriented and self-serving kind because of the people’s orientation according to the
engineers.

Perceived Reasons Behind the Changes
in the Practice of Ammuyo

All of the key informants stated that education, employment, increasing population, climate
change, communication technologies, presence of commercial products, and attitude were
the perceived reasons on the changes of the practice.
Education. The key informants stated that education was one of the major causes
in the decline of those who are practicing Ammuyo. As the children where sent to schools,
they were not able to participate in Ammuyo, planting or harvesting season. After finishing
their studies, they preferred to work in the city and local offices.
Those who were able to finish their education and earn a living in the suburbs and
cities can now afford to prepare special foods for the workers during Ammuyo and can
initiate tangdan (cash-basis of payment) work scheme in their communities. They can also
buy the needed materials and chemicals like pesticides and insecticides.
On the other hand, six respondents stated education as one perceived reasons behind
the changes of the practice. Three out of ten adult women and men who are farmers stated
that education was one reason. As stated by Elmo Bunias, one of respondent said “Gapu ta
kabaelanen dagiti nagannak nga paadalen dagiti ubbing ket no nakaturpos dan kas iti
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makitkitak ket agbirok dan ti trabaho da kas iti mangopisina wenno iti pribado nga
pagtrabahuan ta adu met ti klasen ti trabaho. Isunga gapu ta ammo da met ti rigat ti biag
karo no panagmumula ket tumulong da iti gastos. Ti pay dadduma ket daidan ti gumatang
iti mausar kas iti maipasidaken meryenda”. (Since the parents can now send their children
to school and finished their education, they were able to find jobs such as those in offices,
be it pubic or private; since there were lots of jobs. That get an idea of the hardships of life,
and they try their best to help, especially on family expenses. Some also bought the needed
things like viands and snacks).
One of the respondents working in offices stated education as a reason. She argued
that the educated youth mostly chose white collar jobs in the cities over farming.
This was supported by the study of Dulatre (2009) that the ideal implication of Ambon
(other term for Ammuyo) is altered by practical preferences of earning an income.

Population increase. All of the key informants said that the increased in population
in the barangay also increased the numbers of farmers who practiced Ammuyo.
Traditionally, the elders organized each schedule for them to work all together in one host.
But as volunteerism for the Ammuyo declined, it changed the way they used to invite
laborers. Now, they invited laborers only in their own sitios to join Ammuyo.
Climate change. All of the key informants explained that the rainy season changed
and it affected the planting season. The months of planting and harvesting were moved
because of the irregular weather patterns. They also used other varieties of seedlings which
could easily adapt to the climate change.
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Moreover, two of the respondents agreed that the changed in the climate was one reason
behind the changed in the practice of Ammuyo, particularly on the season of planting and
harvesting.
Presence of communication technologies. Three elders stated that the presence of
communication technologies affected their interpersonal communication, like in the
invitation for Ammuyo. They used cell phone to invite the prospects laborers though they
are not in far places. Cellular Phones helped them to save time and make their work easy.
However, it was not reliable because of the signal disruption. Moreover, one respondent
stated that the people depended on the cell phone in dissemination of invitation and
sacrificed the significance of personal invitations.
Moreover, three respondents who agreed that the presence of technologies like cell
phone was one reason behind the changes of the practice Ammuyo on the stage of Awis.
Changed in commercial products ued. Two of the key informants stated that the
presence of commercial products affected the traditional ways of planting and harvesting.
It lessened the tasks where Ammuyo was being applied like in weeding. They used now
pesticides in spraying the weeds unlike before which was done manual through Ammuyo.
After few days, the weeds will wilt and dry. According to the respondents, it helped them
to make their work easy however; the practice of Ammuyo was set aside.
Moreover, two respondents agreed that the presence of pesticides has lessened the work
where Ammuyo was applied.
Changed in attitude. Two key informants stated that the changed in attitude was one reason
behind the changes of the practice Ammuyo. According to the key informants, several
laborers today were dishonest and they had “indifferent” attitude during Ammuyo. Some
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were not paying back their one day debt if they were not reminded. This was the reason
why the laborer who became the host will not invite these dishonest people.
Moreover, there were two of respondent who stated that the changed in the attitude of
friendship and companionship among the people had affected the socialization especially
in participating in the practice.
Differences in beliefs. One of the respondents stated that the young farmers had
their own beliefs in the season of planting. The elders tried to convince and correct the
young farmers’ belief because it was the opposite on what have based from their
observation and experiences but the young do not believe.
People prefer white collar jobs. There were three respondents who stated that the
people in the barangay preferred white collar jobs than blue collar jobs. Some of the people
adapted to the new environment with a lot of white collar jobs by applying to demands jobs
in offices. Being employed could provide materials for the family used during Ammuyo
like the money used for tangdan (cash-basis payment).
Lack of money to buy food and snacks. There were three of the respondents who
stated that they are ashamed of inviting laborer if they have no food and snacks to be
prepared which now lead them not to invite other people.
Employment. All of the key informants stated that the presence of many jobs
opportunities in suburb-cities helped a lot of youths in the place. The one working in the
family helped them to buy materials used for the Mula and Gapas like pesticides. However,
it lessens the laborers participating in the practice Ammuyo.
Progressing in the status of living of the people. There were three respondents who
stated the improvement of living as one perceived reasons behind the changes.
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Shifting to Tangdan by some farmers. There were two respondents who stated that shifting
to tangdan (cash basis) of the farmers was one reason behind the changes.
Dole-out approach by the government. One respondent stated that the Dole-out
approached introduced by the government was influenced the preferences of the laborer.
Since, there were projects of the government giving cash-basis to the laborers it was now
preferred than the Ammuyo which is a group labor exchange.
This finding corroborates to the result of the study of Faculo (1993) on her study that the
change on the group labor practice in the place was because the people believed that the
government should provide for all infrastructure needs and that they should be paid when
they render labor.


Challenges Encountered in Sustaining Ammuyo

Every key informants stated different ways on how they sustained the practice of
Ammuyo in their barangay despite some challenges they encountered.

Sowena Ansay, one of the respondents, stated that they sustained Ammuyo by
advising their children the importance of Ammuyo since life was getting difficult and they
need this Ammuyo.

Education. Another key informant, Liwayan Quinio, stated that they inculcated the
value of respect to the young generation and reminded them not to consider only the values
taught in school but also the traditional practices thought by their elders. He added that
they also provided information about Ammuyo, a bayanihan system which they needed in
their lives.
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Martina Sagayo, one of the key informants, stated that they involved the youth
during Ammuyo for them to learn the practice. However, they only get the chance of joining
during the weekends because they were studying. They trained their children at an early
age to do light works during the Ammuyo so that they would observed how Ammuyo is
done. They brought them to the farm though their task was to serve coffee or anything
needed by the laborers. She added that they also encouraged out-of-school youth to
cultivate their own fields with their support during planting and harvesting. In this way,
they inculcated the importance of Ammuyo.

Moreover, five respondents stated that education was one challenge in sustaining
Ammuyo.
Differences in beliefs. Fermin Ramon, one of the key informants said that they maintained
good relationship between the elders and youths for further learning about the traditional
practices like Ammuyo. Even though the young ones have their own beliefs and it’s
opposite to theirs.

Presence of commercial products and technologies. Arsenio Luvida, one of the
key informants exclaimed that teaching the children of how Ammuyo was done was their
way of passing it. Moreover, he added that sustaining the practice of Ammuyo was a big
challenge to them because of the emergence of Agricultural commercial products.
As one of the elders in their community, it was hard to insist the traditional practice to the
youth who were educated with knowledge on technologies. Furthermore, they need to
inculcate the value of respect to the elders and remind them that they should add their
learning from school. He added that education should not be the reason to forget the
traditional teachings.
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Moreover, there were four respondents who stated the advancement of technology
was one challenge in sustaining the practice of Ammuyo.

Some people preferred tangdan than Ammuyo. There were four respondents who
stated that the preference of the people on tangdan over Ammuyo was a challenge in the
sustenance of the practice Ammuyo. There were people in the barangay who preferred
tangdan or cash basis labor more than Ammuyo. It now declined the laborers to be invited
in the farm during Ammuyo of their neighbors.

Progresing in the status of living. There were three respondents who stated that the
progressing status of living was a challenge in sustaining the practice of Ammuyo. The lives
of people were progressing as compared before. Some residents were shifted to tangdan
because they have cash to pay for the service of laborers. This caused the decline and lost
of the practice because it affected the part of other farmers who can only afford expenses
of Ammuyo and cannot pay cash to the laborer.
Melita Bugtong said “Bumain ti dadduma nga apan agawis ta nasanayen ti dadduma iti
tangdan nga isu ti kayat da ta masapul da met ti kwarta”. (Some were ashamed to invite
for Ammuyo because others were used and preferred tangdan (cash-basis) because they
needed money).
Conflicts of free time. There were three respondents who stated that the conflict in free time
was a challenge for them in sustaining Ammuyo. A lot of farmers had the same schedule of
planting; thus, they sometimes lacked laborers because other farmers had other
appointments. Ammuyo now became their only second option when there were a lot of
tangdan (similar to Ammuyo however different in mode of payment which is cash-basis)
given by rich farmer or government projects.
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In addition, almost all of the youth in the barangay were in other places like in cities
studying and some were working. The youth were seen to be stronger when it comes to
work in farms to join during Ammuyo. However, when their children reached the tertiary
level of education, they would study in cities and they could not easily go home during
weekends, only during vacation.
Preference on white collar jobs. There were two respondents stated that white collar were
more preferred by the people. The preference on white collar jobs than the blue collar job
was evident that they left the place to find for work.

Ashamed if no invitation recieved. There were two respondents who stated that they
are ashamed if there was no invitation was one challenge in sustaining Ammuyo. Some
were ashamed to volunteer if there were no invitation of the host.

Climate change. There were two respondents who stated changed in climate as one
challenge in sustaining Ammuyo. The unpredictable weather was one reason why they
cannot decide on a fix schedule for Ammuyo. Sometimes, they already invited laborer but
typhoon came that made them withdrew.
Death of elders. One respondent stated the lost of elders was a challenge for them to sustain
the practice of Ammuyo. The elders were among the respected people in the community
who could correct the young whenever they were not doing the proper way about the
practice. In addition, they were respected by the young that’s why they followed and
listened to comments and advices of elders.

Vanishing unity. There were two of the respondents who stated that the vanishing
unity was a challenge in sustaining Ammuyo.
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Lack of family member present in the house. One stated that the lack of family
member was one challenge in sustaining Ammuyo. If they don’t have any member to be
sent to do the Pulang then they will shift to tangdan so that they would not be indebted.

Set numbers. One respondent stated that set numbers of laborer by the host was one
challenge for sustaining Ammuyo because some volunteers who want to join were ashamed
if they were not included or because the number needed was completed already.

Civilization. One respondent stated civilization as one challenge in sustaining
Ammuyo because this affected the traditional practice of farming like Ammuyo.

Strategies in Sustaining Ammuyo
Building good relationship. Three respondents stated that through good relationship like
unity, sintatako and discipline, good attitudes were needed to sustain Ammuyo. The people
in the community maintained the good relationship among neighbors which was their step
in sustaining unity in the barangay which could help in the sustenance of the practice.
According to the respondents, they continued practicing the sintatako culture in the place.
This was the “one for all, all for one” attitude in the community in helping one another.
Parents educating the children. There were five respondents who stated that parents were
teaching their children about the practice of Ammuyo at home. They involved them during
their Mula (planting), Gapas (Harvesting) and Pulang (payment). Parents inculcated the
practice of bayanihan like Ammuyo. Knowing its importance will motivate the youth to
know and adapt the practice. It was one strategy in on how they sustained the practice
Ammuyo.
Community involvement to religious activities. One respondent stated that one way on how
they sustained the practice was through the involvement of the people in the community in
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religious activities. Through religious activities, there was a transformation of the different
attitude of the people.
Ramon Polipol, one of the respondents, further stated “Amin met ketdi dagiti tattao ken
pati ubbing ditoy barangay ket mainay-nayon da kadagiti naduma-duma nga actibidades
ti simbaan kas iti panagsimba iti dinomingo ken no adda ti serbisyo. Nasayaat launay no
daytoy ket haan nga mapukaw no di ket pay mamintenar ken maitultuloy tapno ti kasta ket
adda ladta nasayed a panagkakadwa ket ditoy nga rumwar ti panagsisinaranay kas iti
Ammuyo.” (Almost all people and children in the barangay joined in every activity of the
church and when there was a service. Maintaining the practice of Ammuyo will instigate
deep companionship to the people.)

Values Learned from the Practice of Ammuyo
All of the five key informants and twenty respondents stated that the practice of Ammuyo
as a social activity deserves to be passed and kept because it taught many values. These
values were respect for the elders, cooperation, freedom, unity, honesty, friendship,
dependent, trustworthiness, solidarity, responsible, peace, and thoughtfulness. One of the
five respondents added faithfulness as one of the values that could be learned from the
practice of Ammuyo.
On the other hand, five respondents said that generosity was one of the values learned and
observed in the practice while three added that giving comfort was also a learned from the
practice.
Respect for Elders. It was defined as admiring or treating somebody or something with
consideration. This was observed during Ammuyo because the youth showed that they had
great respect for elders as they helped them in their heavy loads. In addition, the siblings
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were ordered by the parents (host) to invite their neighbors; they usually called their
prospect laborer as their family members. The youth used signs of respect such as aunt
“anti”, uncle “angkel”, lola and lolo.
All of the key informants affirmed that this good attitude was also observed.
Cooperation. It was defined as a situation in which people or organizations worked
together in achieving a good result. The practice of Ammuyo is a bayanihan system in the
barangay where such attitude is observed when wide areas were needed to be planted and
demands manpower. An example of a situation which showed the presence of cooperation
was when the neighbors voluntarily responded to the invitation of the host for planting
when it already exceeded to the expected month of plantation. They helped hand in hand
in planting the swidden farm of one another whenever he/she late in planting.
All of the key informants and the respondents believed that this was taught in the practice
of Ammuyo.
Freedom. It was defined as the right to do or say what someone wanted without stopping
him from being free. This was learned and observed during the practice of Ammuyo. The
host has the freedom to decide whoever among his family member would pay back to the
laborer. The assigned member was either younger or old. The laborer who received doesn’t
complain if it young and not exposed too much to the practice.
In addition, they are free in expressing their ideas, thoughts and stories during their work,
break time and lunch.
All of the key informants and fifteen respondents stated that this value was observed and
learned from the practice of Ammuyo.
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Unity. It was defined as the state of being in agreement and working together. This attitude
was seen during Ammuyo. The laborers and the host had an agreement that the laborer will
render service to the host then the host will do the Pulang later to the laborer. They worked
hand and hand to finish planting the area at the same time. They do not leave any one to
finished his part or leave any part of the area unplanted.
All of the key informants and twenty respondents stated that this value is learned and
observed in the practice of Ammuyo.

Honesty. It was defined as telling the truth; not cheating or stealing. This value was
very evident during the Pulang. The host who had debt has his own initiative to pay back
by working to the laborer on his schedule of Mula (planting) even though he was not
begged by the host and not recorded. Ammuyo practice promoted the value of honesty
between the worker and the host.

All of the key informants and twenty respondents stated that this value was learned
and observed in the practice of Ammuyo.

Friendship. It was defined as having a friendly relationship with others. All of the
laborer and the host were neighbors and friends. The interpersonal communication that
took place during the practice of Ammuyo built friendship among the workers. Even to
those who are new in the place who joined in the practice became their friends. This was
the reason why the youngsters wanted to join Ammuyo because there is communication
between them and the elders. In this way, the youngsters gained stories about the past lives
of the elders.

All of the key informants and twenty respondents stated that this value was learned
from the practice of Ammuyo.
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Trustworthiness. It was defined as having the confidence in somebody. The
agreement in Ammuyo between the host and laborer was held by trust. The host did not
record the names of his laborers but he remembered whom to pay back. The laborer helped
the host in his planting because he knew that the host can be trusted to pay back his/her
service.

All of the key informants and twenty respondents stated that this value was learned
from the practice of Ammuyo.

Solidarity. It was defined as support by one person or group for another because
they share the same feelings, opinions, aims. The laborers helped the host in his work
showing his/her support to the host. They also showed their support to the one in need by
anyone volunteered in the Ammuyo because he/she knew he/she needed help in the future.

In addition, somebody lends rice seedlings to the host if in case it lacked for the
area planted.

All of the key informants and twenty respondents stated that this value was learned
from the practice of Ammuyo.

Responsible. It was defined as having to look after somebody or something or do
something as a duty. The relationship between the host and laborer was held by being
responsible to their own debts. Both the host and laborers have their own responsibility
during the Ammuyo. The host has to prepare snacks and foods for the laborers while the
laborers are tasked to finished the work. This is really needed for both parties to be involved
in the process.

All of the key informants and seventeen respondents stated that this value was
learned in the practice and observed in the practice of Ammuyo.
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Peace. It was defined as the state of living in friendship with somebody without arguing.
During the Ammuyo, the laborers and host usually helped each other to finish the work
without any misunderstandings happened. There was peace and unity while planting or
harvesting. It was also the time of talking to the person whom they had misunderstanding
in the past. In this way, they come to understand each other and Ammuyo became an
instrument to settle misunderstanding.
All of the key informants and twenty respondents stated that this value is observed and
learned from the practice Ammuyo.

Thoughtfulness. It was defined as contemplative, absorbed, attentive and careful.
This was observed on the part of volunteer laborers to help the host when he/she needed
help in her farm. This attitude was still evident to some residents when there was Ammuyo
because they showed care to each others. They were also attentive to whatever instructions
given by the host during the planting particularly on where to start and how to mix the rice
seedling to the insecticide.
All of the key informants and twenty respondents stated that this value was learned and
observed from the practice of Ammuyo.

Patience. It was defined as the ability to stay calmed and accept delay or annoyance
without complaining. The workers were willing to help even if the location of the farm is
remote. They were patient in walking the long distance going to the farm of the host. They
were also patient planting even it rained just to finish the work. They accepted the
consequences of the Ammuyo whenever it is wide and they needed to finish the work.

All of the key informants and nineteen respondents stated patience was learned and
observed in the practice of Ammuyo.
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Faithfulness. It was defined as the loyal to somebody or something. This kind of
attitude was tested in both parties of the Ammuyo if they do their part like in the Pulang or
loyalty in paying back their debt. Each host showed loyalty if they paid back their one day
debt during the laborer’s schedule of Mula.

Only one key informant and one respondent added faithfulness as one values
learned from the practice of Ammuyo.

Giving Comforting. It was defined as the act of consoling; giving relief and
affliction. Three respondents stated that this value was observed and learned in the practice
of Ammuyo. There were workers who shared their stories, experiences and problems to
other laborers and gave them advices and comforts. According to the respondents, they
shared their experiences and problems during their interaction while working and resting.
On the other hand, some laborer like men tried to make a joke out it for them to laugh and
eased the pain.
Generosity. It was defined as the act of sharing. There were five respondents who stated
that sharing was learned and observed in the practice. They shared foods, ideas and
knowledge to each other during the practice.
This result corroborates what Dulatre (2009) said that the Ambon (other term for Ammuyo)
as a social activity can be an enriching relationship, both the recipients and the person
rendering service.




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SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary

Generally, the study was conducted to identify the processes involved and values
learned in the practice of Ammuyo as practiced by the Bago tribe in Barangay Banga,
Sugpon, Ilocos Sur. Specifically, it aimed to determine the processes, changes applied to
the practice, perceived reasons behind the changes, challenges encountered in sustaining
the practice, strategies in sustaining Ammuyo practice, and the values learned in the practice
of Ammuyo.

There were five elders as the key informants who were interviewed personally by
the researcher through a guide questions. They were exposed and experienced being the
host and laborer of the practice. The second were twenty residents of the barangay who
were knowledgeable of the practice of Ammuyo. The data were gathered through an
interview schedule which was conducted from December 2011 to January 2012.

Bago Tribe has many traditional practices in farming which include the practice of
Ammuyo which is done during planting and harvesting season.

Ammuyo practice is group labor exchange practice by the farmers of Banga in farm
works like Mula (planting), and Gapas (harvesting). It is only one form of bayanihan being
practice in the barangay which is a social activity.
The processes of Ammuyo start in the practice the Awis (host invitation) which is done by
any assigned member of the family ordered to disseminate to the prospects laborers. It is
followed by the Mula (planting) or Gapas (harvesting) of the laborers. And last is the
Pulang (payment) which is done by the host through working to the laborer who rendered
service during his Ammuyo.
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Ammuyo as a traditional practice in farming has also changes over the years. Some
altered in the practice are the way of Awis (invitation) which in the old practice was done
during small occasions like gamal, accidental meetings and no house-to-house. The present
practice in Awis was through to house-to-house, texting and accidental meetings. In the
Mula (planting) stage, changes were noted on the responsibility of the host from not
preparing snacks and food for the workers to preparation of snacks and food. On the other
hand, in Gapas, the material was just added with the thresher which is not present in the
old practice. In the Pulang stage, change was noted on the ways of payment by the host
from labor to either labor or a can of rice.

The factors contributed to such changes which perceived by the elders and the
respondents as the reasons were education, employment, population increase, emergence
of different commercial products, advancement in technologies, beliefs, changed in the
attitude of companionship and friendship, lack of gratitude “utang-na-loob”, dole-out
approach of the government projects, ashamed if there’s no snack and food to be prepare,
progressed status of living and shifting to tangdan.

Even how the elders sustained the good practice but still there were encountered
challenges stated by the elders and respondents like education, difference in beliefs, and
presence of technologies, different commercial products in farming, conflicts of free time
of the laborer, youth studying in other places, preference on tangdan, progress status of
living, preference of white collar jobs, advancement in technology, lost of elders,
education, ashamed if there’s no invitation, lack of family member, set number of laborer,
and climate change.
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The ways on sustaining the practice Ammuyo was passing through challenges on however,
there were strategies they were doing to sustain the practice. The stated strategies by the
respondents were parents are teaching their children about the practice and involving them
during the practice of Ammuyo, maintaining the good relationship among people, and
involving the people in the community on religious activities.
The practice of Ammuyo just like other traditional practices teaches values to the people
who participate in the practice. The key informants and respondents identified the values
like respect for the elders, cooperation, freedom, unity, honesty, friendship, dependent,
trustworthiness, solidarity, responsible, peace, thoughtfulness, helpfulness, faithfulness,
giving comfort and sharing as the being learned in the practice.

Conclusions

Based on the findings of the study, the following conclusions were drawn:
1. The practice of Ammuyo in Barangay Banga, Sugpon, Ilocos Sur has
three general stages which are the host invitation, Ammuyo proper or planting
and pulang (payment through labor by the host).
2. The practice of Ammuyo has changes in the process specifically on
Awis invitation, Mula (planting) and pulang (payment by the host through
labor).
3.
Education, increasing population, climate change, presence of technologies,
changed in commercial products used, changed in the attitude, differences in beliefs, most
are educated and prefer white collar jobs, ashamed if there’s no snacks and food to
prepare, employment, progressing in the status of living, lack of time to join Ammuyo,
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shifting to tangdan and dole-out approach of the government in their projects are the
perceived reasons of the changes in the practice of Ammuyo.
4. The education, difference in beliefs, presence of commercial and
different technologies, people prefer tangdan, progressing in status of living,
conflicts of free time, people prefer white collar jobs, ashamed if there’s no
invitation, climate change, lost of elders, easy to earn money, vanishing unity,
lack of family member present in the house, and set numbers of laborers are
some of the challenges encountered by the elders and respondents in sustaining
the practice of Ammuyo.
5. The residents have strategies being practiced in sustaining the
Ammuyo such as maintaining the good relationship among the people parents
teach Ammuyo involve their children during the practice, and involvement of
the people in religious activities and continuing and.
6. The elders identified social values in the traditional practice of
Ammuyo. From this, it can be derived that if they are subjected more to
bayanihan practices like Ammuyo, the have the potential to develop their social
values.

Recommendations

From the following findings and conclusions drawn, the following were being
recommended:
1. The practice of Ammuyo and the proper process should be
maintained and passed to the next generations to come because of the good
values learned from it.
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2.
The respondents recommended that barangay officials should create an
ordinance concerning on the sustenance of the practice Ammuyo.
3. The respondents recommended that Ammuyo as a bayanihan
practice in the barangay should be included during community meetings.
4. The respondents also recommended that teachers in elementary
school should include in inculcating Ammuyo as a form of bayanihan in the
barangay.
5. The respondents recommended that there should be trainings and
seminars of the youth on different forms of bayanihan in the barangay to sustain
the other remaining forms of bayanihan systems in the place.
6. Agreement between the people and the barangay officials to
maintain Ammuyo and no one shifting to tangdan.
7. Further study on the other practices of the Bago Tribe in barangay
Banga, Sugpon, Ilocos Sur is recommended.










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