BIBLIOGRAPHY PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG....
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012. The Power of Ritual : Capturing the
Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang for Community Development by
the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet. Benguet State University,
La Trinidad, Benguet
Adviser: Filmore Y. Awas, MDevCom
ABSTRACT
The study was generally conducted to document to the communication processes
in the practice of mangmang by the Bontoc tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad,
Benguet. Specifically, it aimed to determine the socio-demographic profile of the
respondents; discuss the communication processes involved in the practice of mangmang;
identify the communicated values involved in the practice of mangmang; discuss the
characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development; determine the
perceptions of the respondents on mangmang as a tool for community development;
discuss the changes in the practice of mangmang at present; discuss the communication
problems involved in the practice of mangmang; and determine the challenges faced by
elders and the community in practicing mangmang.
The researcher conducted the study from October 2011 to February 2012.
The key informants discussed the communication processes in the practice of
mangmang in accordance to before, during, and after the practice.
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
The respondents also identified unity, respects, volunteerism, ritual protection,
and generosity as the values being communicated and observed in the practice of
mangmang.
Further, the respondents perceived mangmang as a contributor to community
development in terms of social relationship, health, and environment.
The respondents also identified the challenges in the practice of mangmang which
are: differences in spiritual belief, declining number of elders, inter-marriage, migration,
emergence of technologies, and education.
It is then recommended that the Bontoc tribe should continue practicing mangmang
as it shapes desirable social values to the participants and it is perceived to have
contribution towards community development in which they could develop a strong will
and sense of commitment which are observable to the participants who understood the
significance of such ritual. Also, they should continue the practice to remember the
teachings of the elders and their forefathers.
Further, as recommended by the respondents, they should employ house-to-house
visit when inviting participants as they consider it as more effective.
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
INTRODUCTION
Rationale
Effective communication leads to understanding. Based on several definitions,
communication is the interdependent process of sending, receiving, and understanding
messages and effective communication between individuals depends on how effective the
communication process is.
The communication process is the guide towards realizing effective communication
(Sanchez, n.d.); thus, individuals that follow the communication process will have the
opportunity to become more productive in every aspect of their profession.
Dunn and Goodnight (2003) explained that the components of communication
process namely: encoding, medium of transmission, decoding, and feedback cannot be
examined separately, rather the relationship that exists between the sender and receiver, as
well as the environment of the communication venue must be viewed as a whole.
With this, the relationship between culture and communication is reciprocal; each
affects and influences the other. What we talk about, how we talk about it, what we see,
what we think, how we think about it are influenced by culture. In turn, what we talk about,
how we talk about it and what we see help shape, define and perpetuate our culture
(Samovar and Porter, 1994).
Thus, culture cannot exist without communication and one cannot change without
causing change in the other.
Meanwhile, the International Institute of Rural Reconstruction (1996) as cited by
Langill (1998) further emphasized the need to examine aspects of culture that may play an
important role in shaping Indigenous Knowledge (IK) as a contributor for development.
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
Mangmang is an indigenous practice, particularly a ritual of the Bontoc Igorots that
involves butchering of animals, mostly chickens and pigs. This is comparable to the
Benguet cañao. It is performed on any called-for occasion to appease the anger of an
ancestor or to counteract any evil or harm inflicted by a bad anito (Cawed, 1972).
In Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet, the practice of mangmang has always been
a part of the lives of the Bontoc tribe particularly the Can-eo group residing in the place.
As observed, this is strongly practiced as the tribe compose many elders whereas they still
confirm to the traditional practices because of their belief to the Supreme Being they call
Kafunian and to the anitos that they say are the ones protecting the environment. These
elders are greatly respected by the community so they are the ones leading the group in any
cultural practices and rituals.
However, rituals like mangmang and other indigenous practices in the Cordillera
are faced by the threat of near extinction because of the fast pace of modernization. Not
only its practice, the value of performing mangmang has been overlooked by the society
particularly the youth and is now practiced by few as it is viewed as a superstitious act done
by the ‘old people’.
Several studies noted that IK is not systematically documented. It has the
disadvantage of not having been captured and stored in a systematic way. The main reason
for this constraint is that it is handed down orally from generation to generation. This
creates an implicit danger that Indigenous Knowledge, Systems and Practices (IKSP) may
become instinct (UNESCO, 2003).
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
To document such including the communication process involved in the practice
complement what Langill (1998) noted that it could it could be utilize towards formation
of sustainable development.
With the above premises, the need to write and document about these practices,
its role in the society, and the values they carry, is of importance.
Statement of the Problem
Generally, the study aimed to document the communication process being followed
in the practice of mangmang.
Specifically aims to answer the following questions:
1. What is the socio-demographic profile of the respondents?
2. What are the communication processes involved in the practice of mangmang?
3. What are the communicated values in the practice of mangmang?
4. What are the characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development?
5. How is mangmang perceived by the respondents as a tool for community
development?
6. What are the changes in the practice of mangmang at present?
7. What are the communication problems involved in the practice of mangmang as
perceived by the respondents?
8. What are the challenges faced by elders and the community in practicing
mangmang?
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
Objectives of the Study
Generally, the study aimed at documenting the communication processes in the
practice of mangmang. Specifically, the study was able to:
1. determine the socio-demographic profile of the respondents;
2. discuss the communication processes involved in the practice of mangmang;
3. identify the communicated values involved in the practice of mangmang;
4. discuss the characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development;
5. determine the perceptions of the respondents on mangmang as a tool for
community development;
6. discuss the changes in the practice of mangmang at present;
7. discuss the communication problems involved in the practice of mangmang;
and
8. determine the challenges faced by elders and the community in practicing
mangmang.
Importance of the Study
The study may help in the preserving the culture for the elders and the younger
generations through documentation. In the conduct of study, it may create community
consciousness among the Bontoc Igorots and also the other tribes residing in Bayabas,
Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet about the treat of extinction faced by these practices, rituals,
beliefs, and to the culture as a whole.
In the process of data collection, it may also bring in awareness among the residents
about the practice of mangmang, the values they carry and its role as contributor to
community development.
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
Moreover, the documentation may be used by the indigenous groups like the
National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP) in their aim of protecting and
preserving the Indigenous Knowledge, Systems, and Practices of the indigenous people to
strengthen more the culture of the group. Results of the study may also be used by students
or anyone who is interested to learn about the ritual.
Scope and Limitation
The study was only limited in studying one of the rituals of the Bontoc tribe which
is mangmang and the communication processes involved in the practice. The study
specifically aims to identify the contributions of mangmang towards community
development; discuss the changes in the practice of mangmang at present; and to determine
the challenges faced by elders and the community in practicing mangmang.
The documentation was limited in mangmang during burial as it is the most
commonly performed ceremony in the locale of the study.
The study was conducted in Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet where mangmang
is still practiced. It is also where the respondents will be taken from. Other information
other than those stated above will not be included in the study.
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Bontoc Tribe
The Bontoc Igorot have physical characteristics that distinguish them from
lowlanders. The Bontoc men average 5’4 1/8” in heights while women average 4’9
3/8”.Most have broad and flat noses (Andres, 2004).
Andres (2004) added that the Bontoc Igorot are dark brown in color, although many
who rarely work in fields are fair-skinned. Most have long straight hair. Their eyes are light
or dark brown and are deep set.
However, he noted that the younger generation tended to be taller and have
delicately developed bodies.
Religious Beliefs and Rituals
of the Bontoc Tribe
While the Greeks believe and were governed by the gods and goddesses of Mt.
Olympus, the Bontoc tribe also believes in the Supreme Being they call Kafunian and his
son Lumawig. According to the old religion, it was Lumawig who asked his father’s
permission to come down to earth to get married. It was Lumawig who taught the people
of Bontoc many arts and skills and also did miraculous things. Perhaps it is for this reason
that he became more popular than his father Kafunian. Many times, people refer to
Kafunian as Intutungcho (Chaokas, 2005).
Chaokas (2005) added that these people also believe in anitos, the spirits of their
dead ancestors and relatives. More often than not, when a person gets sick, it is believed
that the sickness was caused by the anito/s of his family. The Bontocs believe that there is
life after death and they also believe in the existence of the soul. They further believe that
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for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
these anitos come to visit their living relatives from time to time especially on religious
feast days.
Meanwhile, according to the collected archives of the Cordillera, the indigenous
peoples of the Cordilleras invariably perform several rituals in the life cycle of an
individual, from pregnancy until death, and most of the time even after death (Spirited
Thoughts, 2011).
These rituals involve the slaughter of sacrificial animals, or what may be more
appropriately called ritual animals. The type and number of ritual animals depends largely
on the ritual itself, and the social status of the family for whom the ritual is performed.
Thus a single chicken might suffice, or the ritual might involve the slaughter of several
pigs. Some communities would require the slaughter of carabaos, cows or bulls, horses, or
dogs. Ritual celebrations might last for a few hours, a day, or several days. And because
there are several animals butchered, the entire villages, as well as friends and relatives from
neighboring villages, are invited to partake of the feast (Spirited Thoughts, 2011).
Mangmang as a Practice
According to Botengan (1976), the iBontoks believe in the power of prescribed
rituals for specific cases. All events of the Bontoc’s life from birth to death have specified
rituals that must be done. The general term for these rites is mangmang, ceremony where
sacrificial animal and prayers are offered to the spirits. This, however, is further specified
according to the purpose for which it is done and the sacrificial animals butchered.
Accordingly, mangmang is performed in different occasions and is only held in
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
the morning or in the evening. No mangmang is ever held at noon because this means that
the animals to be used have to be butchered at fagfakhut (mid-morning) when the bad anitu
are around.
Communication Process in Rituals
According to Carey (1992), communication has two views, first is the transmission
view of communication and second is the ritual view of communication. The difference of
the latter on the first view as said by Carey (1992) is that it is not directed on the extension
of messages in space but toward the maintenance of society in time.
Accordingly, the ritual view was derived from the view of religion that downplays
the role of the sermon, the instruction and admonition, in order to highlight the role of the
prater, the chant, and the ceremony. It sees the original or highest manifestation of
communication not in the transmission of intelligent information but in the construction
and maintenance of an ordered, meaningful cultural world that can serve as a control and
container for human action
Meanwhile in the local scenario, Fiar-od (2009) said that in rituals, where there is
butchering of animals, it includes praying and chanting by individual or group. In prayers,
it is often suggestive of moral or ethical values relevant to the purpose of the ritual. This
then would support what Carey (1992) have explained about the ritual view of
communication.
Fiar-od (2009) also gave examples which are as follows; for a bountiful harvest,
stories would be how the people long ago labored to maximize whatever weeds and other
organic waste, relevant to land ownership, stories of struggles in defense of the land is
accounted for. Added to that, Fiar-od (2009) explained that, in church, we use to hear and
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for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
say, “All things come to thee, Oh, Lord, and of thine own have we given thee,” on the part
of the Igorots , they articulate the meaning of the phrase in their customary practice of
sharing whenever one performs or hosts a ritual.
Characteristics of Rituals as a Tool
for Community Development
According to Fiar-od (2011), on rituals per se, they are based on four basic
community development principles: being pro-Almighty, pro-life or fiag nan takho, pro-
environment or fatawa, and pro-people or ib-a ay takho.
Fiar-od (2011) elaborated that a ritual is pro-Almighty if it does not alienate the
people from the teachings of Kabunyan or not against the biblical laws. It is pro-life, if it
does not bring threats of death or any other sufferings. A ritual is pro-environment if it does
not pave the way for the wanton destruction of the environment. Lastly, it is pro-people if
it serves the common interest of the community or the society.
In an interview with elder Fakat, he said that the indigenous culture of which people
are ritualistic had been contributory to the protection of the environment (Fiar-od, 2011).
Rituals as Contributor to Community
Development
According to the study of Nuval (2010) entitled “Ba’diw as a Communication Tool
for Community development in Topdac, Atok, Benguet,” the ba’diw which is an Ibaloi
ritual contributes to community development in parameters of agriculture, leadership,
values, culture, environment, health, education, personal commitment, and
family ties and community relations.
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for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
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The conclusion of Nuval (2010) are supported by Wolin and Bennett (1984) as cited
by Friesen (1990) stating that rituals reflect family traditions and are related to cultural,
religious and ethnic perspectives and practices. Rituals “remind us that communication can
be symbolic, that form gives meaning, that repetition promotes learning and that the past
is embedded in the present.”
As to the protection of culture, Friesen (1990) said that rituals carry religious and
cultural meaning which has been passed on through the generations. In this sense, rituals
maintain the traditional forms of culture and religious experience and help people construct
maps of reality which are rooted in the past but experienced in the present.
While, the last parameter which is strengthening family ties and community
relations was supported by Botengan (1976) saying that neighborliness is strengthened
during a practice of ritual. This is because immediate neighbors are always invited as they
are considered as siblings because in times of need or immediate assistance, it is ones’
neighbor whom one approach.
Added to that, Cotde (2010) as cited by Nuval (2010) noted that development starts
at home and together, the willingness of the family to adjust with their environment and
their willingness to work out for harmonious relationship will result to a united community.
Cotde’s (2010) statement was also verified by Friesen (1990) saying that rituals
may also be viewed as contributing to the development of a family identity. He added that
rituals which coordinate family, church and community values are helpful to young people
in developing their sense of personal identity.
This was also further explained by Van Gennep in his book, Rites of Passage, as
cited by Friesen (1990) explaining that a family or tribe’s rituals, as rites of passage, assist
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an individual family or tribal member’s successful development at various stages of life by
providing within the family or tribal community, a process for that individual to first, break
away from an earlier developmental stage; second, to be introduced to and to learn the new
information needed for the next stage of his or her development; and third, for the
reintegration of that individual into his or her family or tribal community with that new
information to begin the next step of his or her personal development, all toward continuing
the successful life of that family or tribal community.
Another function of rituals assumed by Scheff (1979) as cited by Friesen (1990) is
their provision of support during periods of mourning such as funerals. Friesen (1990)
detailed that during mourning, groups of people join with each other to bear each others’
burdens, share food, wear certain clothes and express certain words of comfort. The
experience of mourning is time-limited and the circumstances are well defined, thus
creating a feeling of safety and security for the participants. Mourning rituals are often
linked to meals or visiting; consequently they may reduce isolation and loneliness,
especially during periods of loss as in death. In this case, it could be related to the
strengthening of community relations.
Moreover, rituals facilitate healing. Personal and relational healing is needed at
various stages of human life. Rituals are an important part of the healing process. For
example, losses sustained through death or divorce is in need of healing. The support of
the church and the conduct of meaningful religious ceremonies are particularly important
during times of loss. Family losses as in suicide, violence or unexpected death resulting
from accidents and pregnancy loss may especially call for healing (Friesen, 1990).
Thus, the effective use of rituals, as stressed by Friesen (1990), is one avenue of
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for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
strengthening families and creating an environment where personal well-being is
enhanced.
All of these supports what Nuval (2010) have concluded in his study about the
contribution of a ritual to a particular community.
Functions of Rituals in the Community
Aside from the contributions of rituals to community development, it has also other
important functions in the community. For example according to Kapuno (n.d.), in times
of hardships or death in the community or in the family; in times of victory or after
a good fortune – as advisers or guides, these native ritual ministers act as medicine men,
harmonizers, negotiators, arbiters, and even spiritual advisers.
Kapuno (n.d.) further elaborated in his article, Insights to the Cordillera, that the
main purposes why rituals are held in the Cordillera highlands, these are to protect,
preserve and enhance Cordillera cultural heritage; give justice and sense of equity in the
community; to preserve and protect the environment; and to harmonize and reconcile
opposing forces to attain peace, balance, harmony and solidarity.
The indigenous people of the Cordillera are a living testament of a people’s
appreciation of the environment, caring and respecting what sustains their very existence.
Their indigenous rituals celebrating life - or marching for war, or negotiating for peace and
harmony, or meting out justice, or mourning in death are befitting tributes to the vigilance
and rich history of these indigenous people as revealed by historical accounts and
developments (Kapuno, n.d.).
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for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
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Accordingly, rituals exist to resolve humanity’s dilemmas going back to prehistory,
and there are several archeological evidences that these activities produced effective and
mysteriously accurate results.
To further explain the roles of rituals, Fiar-od (2009) also stressed the purposes of
prayers in rituals which is done for a bountiful harvest, stories would be how the people
long ago labored to maximize whatever weeds and other organic waste and, prayers
relevant to land ownership, stories of struggles in defense of the land is accounted for. It
also included the purpose of sacrificial animals during the rituals which is for good harvest,
good health, fertility of couples, long and peaceful life, empower leaders or people, and
send-off during burials. Thus, Fiar-od (2009), based on several studies and
researches concluded that Cordillera rituals are among the factors affecting cultural and
socio-economic development of the Cordillerans.
Values Communicated in Practicing Rituals
The old folks of the Cordilleras are profoundly obsessed with the responsibility of
transplanting their traditional rituals to the younger generation, who are often made as
participant-observer (Celino, 1990).
In transplanting the traditional rituals also comes the inheritance of values. As to
the findings of Celino (1990), the values being transplanted in rituals includes the
cultivation and development of a deep sense of community membership that when
neighbors come together show oneness and unity to ease the plight of a bereaved family.
Also, Celino (1990) noted that during rituals comes the development of a strong
will and sacrifice, development of desirable traits whereas the participation of the young
provides opportunities for development of cooperation, patience, and obedience
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for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
Likewise, in the study of Nuval (2010), one of his conclusions claimed that rituals
produce a value-laden citizens. His claim was supported by his own findings that a ritual
has their own values. In the case of ba’diw, values are told through stories. The values
include discipline, morality, relationship with others, lessons learned from experiences,
shared relationship with others, emotional development, reconciliation for family
members.
Meanwhile, according to Friesen (1990), rituals facilitate the transmission of
values, that rituals serve as the vehicle for the passing down of values and beliefs.
Cultural Changes and Extinction
Modernization theorists from Karl Marx to Daniel Bell have argued that economic
development brings pervasive cultural changes. Cultural change, however, is path
dependent. The broad cultural heritage of a society leaves an imprint on values that endure
despite modernization (Inglehart and Baker, 2000).
Inglehart and Baker (2000) using data from the three waves of the World Values
Survey, which include 65 societies and 75% of the world’s population, found evidence that
of massive cultural change because of modernization.
Akullo (2007), on the other hand, noted that a lot of indigenous knowledge has been
lost through deaths of elderly people since there is no formal documentation of such
knowledge.
The findings of Inglehart, Baker (2000) and Akullo (2007) was explained by
Langill (1998) that culture can be eroded by wider economic and social forces. Pressure on
indigenous people to integrate with larger societies is often great, and as they become more
integrated, the social structures which generate cultural practices can break down. The
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for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
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growth of national and international markets, the imposition of educational and religious
systems and the impact of various development processed are leading more and more to
the homogenization of the world’s cultures but consequently, indigenous beliefs, values,
customs, know-how and practices may be altered.
Going to the local view, in the compiled archives of Cordillera, it was explained
that there were changes in the practice of ritual now days. This includes the sizes of pigs
butchered in an occasion, since the pigs that we have now grow to gigantic sizes, and so
the meat from a single pig now would exceed the meat from five pigs of the traditional
variety. The numbers of required ritual animals have however remained the same.
Therefore, these ritual ceremonies truly satisfy the meaning of a “feast” in the sense that
there is abundance of culinary delights. Though, with our absorption of foreign influences,
these feasts now include other delicacies as cakes and salads of all kinds, pasta
preparations, candy, and many other purchasable goods (Spirited Thoughts, 2011).
Meanwhile, in weddings and wakes, guests are allowed to give donations in many
forms. Of course, in older times, these were in the form of rice and other food, their physical
labor and presence during the festivities, ritual animals, wine, and most anything else that
might be needed. It encouraged the mutual-help systems that existed in those times. Family
relations also figure prominently, with relatives, no matter how far removed, chipping in
whatever they can to help (Spirited Thoughts, 2011).
Accordingly, current times have not diminished the feeling of community and
family relations in indigenous feasts. Rather, because we have become more affluent as we
engaged in non-traditional economic endeavors, the gifts we give during these feasts have
also gained affluence. Instead of the traditional rice and foodstuffs we donated to each
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for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
other, the availability of cash has many of us giving cash donations during special feasts.
It is arrogant for any of us to refuse whatever help our guests give us, for these guests are
merely affirming their belongingness to the community, or our relations with them, or both.
It is their way of saying that they are one with us (Spirited Thoughts, 2011).
Challenges Faced by IKSP of the IP People
Indigenous People (IP), through their self organization and collective struggles
have historically fought for the protection of their Indigenous Knowledge (IK) (Rovillos,
1999).
The statement above was explained by Langill (1998) that with the rapid
environmental, social, economic and political changes occurring in many areas inhabited
by indigenous people comes the danger that the Indigenous Knowledge (IK) they possess
will be overwhelmed and lost forever. Younger generations are acquiring different values
and lifestyles as a result of exposure to global and national influences, and traditional
communication networks are breaking down, meaning that elders are dying without
passing their knowledge on to children. In some cases, the actual existence of indigenous
people themselves is threatened.
Rovillos (1999) added that global diversity is rapidly deteriorating. Indigenous
people’s sustainable management practices and knowledge are eroding. The cause of these
problems is many and complex.
In the Philippines, Malanes and Abner (1998) compared IK to the Philippine eagle
and Africa’s rhinoceros and with the indigenous people as becoming endangered species.
Their distinct race and culture, along with their secrets in sustaining the biodiversity and
ecosystem in their land, are now threatened more than ever. The indigenous people have
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remained powerless before the major actors of the new global system- transnational
corporations, the rich nations, powerful governments and international banks and lending
institutions. These key players have adopted and promoted policies friendly to
transnational corporate interests but disastrous to the indigenous people and the
environment.
The rights of indigenous people and local communities over biodiversity and their
cultural knowledge, that go along with its conservation, developments, and use, are not
acknowledged. Also, the indigenous people could not find redress for the injustices and
oppression they suffered as distinct collectivities and even individuals in their countries.
Thus, it becomes imperative for them to seek spaces where they could air their issues,
aspirations, and demands (Malanes and Abner, 1998).
In the local perspective, according to Fiar-od (2009), among the Igorots, the erosion
of values in relation to indigenous resource management, customary laws for sustainability
are highly affected by migration, modernization, education and technologies.
Operational Definition of Terms
Mangmang. This is a Bontoc ritual usually done with the butchering of pig/s and
prayers are offered to the spirits.
Community development. This is the ability of the people to act together to
strengthen their community and to influence the social, economic, political and
environmental issues which affect them. It seeks to enable individuals and communities to
grow and change according to their own needs and priorities.
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PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
METHODOLOGY
Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted in Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet (Figure 1). As to
the barangay profile, Pico stands out among the 16 barangays of La Trinidad being number
one in terms of revenue. It is an urban municipality bounded to the north by Barangay
Betag; to the south by Baguio City; to the east by Barangay Balili and to the west by
Barangay Puguis.
Barangay Pico has an estimated land area of 329.3567 hectares which comprise of
the 4.08% of the municipality land area. The barangay is generally flat on the eastern part.
It has high terrain and steep mountains towards the north-western portion leading to sitio
Bayabas. Slope ranges from 9 to 30%. Elevation ranges from 1,400 to 1,600 meters above
sea level.
The barangay has a temperate climate. It has an average temperature of 26 degrees
centigrade at minimum. It has two pronounced seasons: dry from November to April and
wet during the rest of the year.
Pico was chosen as the locale of study particularly Sitio Bayabas because the place
is mostly inhabited by people from Mountain Province that includes the Bontoc tribe who
still practice the ritual of mangmang.
The study was conducted from October 2011 to February 2012.
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
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PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
Figure 1. Map showing the locale of the study
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
Respondents of the Study
Twenty respondents were purposively selected for the study with the following as
the criteria: must be a resident of Bayabas and belongs to Bontoc tribe; must be
knowledgeable of mangmang; witnessed the practice of mangmang; and participated in the
practice of mangmang.
Five key informants were also identified from the respondents as source of deeper
knowledge about the practice.
Data Collection
The data from all the respondents were collected through personal interview using
guide questions for the key informants.
Data Gathered
The data gathered focused primarily on the communication processes involved on
the practice of mangmang particularly after the burial. It also include the values being
communicated in the practice of mangmang, perceptions of respondents on mangmang as
contributor to community development, changes in the practice of mangmang at present,
what are the challenges faced by elders and the community in practicing mangmang, and
what communication problems exist in the practice of mangmang.
Data Analysis
The data gathered were consolidated, tabulated and were analyzed through
descriptive statistics using frequency counts, percentage and average. The data were also
processed and presented in a narrative form.
The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
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PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
Generally, the study was conducted to document the communication processes
involved in the practice of mangmang as practiced by the Bontoc tribe residing in Bayabas
Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet. Specifically, it aimed to determine the socio-demographic
profile of the respondents; discuss the communication processes involved in the practice
of mangmang; identify the communicated values involved in the practice of mangmang;
discuss the characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development; determine
the perceptions of the respondents on mangmang as a tool for community development;
discuss the changes in the practice of mangmang at present; discuss the communication
problems involved in the practice of mangmang; and determine the challenges faced by
elders and the community in practicing mangmang.
There were twenty respondents and five key informants were identified from them.
They were chosen from the following criteria; must be knowledgeable of mangmang;
witnessed the practice of mangmang; and participated in the practice of mangmang.
The data were gathered through an interview schedule which was conducted from
October 2011 to February 2012.
Bontocs have many religious beliefs and practices which include the practice of
mangmang which is a ritual done in any occasion.
The communication process involved before the practice of mangmang focuses on
the invitation of the participants done by a family member or anyone who is commanded
by the elder or the family to do the task; the recitation of the prayer done by the elder or
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the person commanded to do the task and; on sending the meat to those who were not able
to attend the practice.
Mangmang, just like the other rituals, also carry values which are imparted to the
people who participate in the practice. Unity, respect, helpfulness, ritual protection and
charity are among the identified values by the respondents which they observe in the
performance of mangmang.
The characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development also follows
the values being communicated in the practice. The characteristics fall under the principles
of Fiar-od (2011) as being pro-Almighty, pro-life, pro-environment, and pro-people.
Furthermore, mangmang also has its own contribution towards community
development. It is seen as very important in maintaining and creating social relationships,
mangmang also helps facilitate healing of a person or a family especially when they lost
someone and, it also helps in preserving and protecting the environment. This is because
the Bontocs believe that the earth, mountains and the bodies of water are sacred places
where the spirits and anitos dwell who are also act as their guardians.
Over the years, changes also occurred in the practice of mangmang. Today, only
few elders could recite the kapya and most often they use a prayer taught by the church or
the derived from the Bible. Also, the type of the animal to be butchered no longer need to
be native. The way of inviting participants also changed, before they employ purely house-
to-house invitation and now because of technologies like cell phones and other
communication device, messages could just be sent through a text message or
through a call. However, since all does not own a phone, they still employ house-to-
house invitation.
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PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
The factors contributed to such changes were the influence of the church, the
declining number of elders, inter-marriage, migration, emergence of technologies and
education.
Communication problems were also observed in the practice of mangmang like the
usage of phone was not convenient to all as it can undergo technical problems, instances
where messages are delayed or are not sent and when there is signal interruption. Other
than the usage of phone, the words and terminologies spoken by the elders are hardly
understood by the young ones or by the people not belonging to the tribe. The reason was
that they were not exposed to their own dialect and they did not learn to speak their own
local dialect or when they did not grew up in the province.
The challenge then lies on the younger generation to either acquire or not to acquire
their own culture, to either maintain or break the practice. The elders have already done
their part imparting this practice to the younger generation and they hope they would
continue practicing it.
Conclusions
The following conclusions were drawn based on the findings of the study:
1. The communication processes involved in the practice of mangmang varies in
accordance to before, during, and after the practice.
2. The practice of mangmang develops and shares desirable social values to the
participants.
3. Performance of mangmang carries significant personal, spiritual and social
characteristics that could be treated as a tool towards community development.
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4. Mangmang could be an effective tool for community development in terms of
social relationship, health, and environment as perceived by the respondents.
5. Modernization and the emergence of technologies are still seen as factors to the
change of some indigenous practice like the mangmang.
6. Challenges in the practice of mangmang lies within the community that holds
and nurtures the practice influenced by modernization.
Recommendations
Based on the findings, the following are then recommended:
1. As recommended by the respondents, the invitation of participants to attend
mangmang should still be house-to-house visit as they consider it more effective than using
cell phones.
2. The Bontoc community should continue practicing mangmang as it shapes
desirable social values to the participants and it is perceived to have contribution towards
community development in which they could develop a strong will and sense of
commitment which are observable to the participants who understood the significance of
such ritual.
3. The changes in the practice should not hinder the community in practicing the
mangmang rather it could be taken positively and correct the wrong notions towards
mangmang and other rituals in the Cordillera as being ‘paganistic’.
4. The Bontoc community in Bayabas should continue practicing mangmang to
remember the teachings of the elders, their forefathers and to maintain their relationships
as proven by the strengthened relationship among family members and the community as
a whole.
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5. The parents should persuade their children to attend such practice for the child
to be exposed in his own culture and at the same time so that they could adhere to the
practice and help in protecting it from totally vanishing.
6. Modernization and technological advancement should not be seen as threat but
more of a challenge for these cult6ural practices to be conserved or preserved. The
advancement of technology could be an opportunity for those practices to be preserved.
With this, a continuous documentation with the aid of the technologies should be promoted.
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AWAS, F. 2009. Staged Bendian as a Medium of Community Dialogue and Action for
Development and Cultural Integrity in Contemporary Kabayan, Benguet.
Pp.97,101
BOTENGAN, K.C. 1976. Bontoc Life Ways: A Study in Education and Culture. Capital
Publishing House, Inc. Pp. 1,25,65,75.
CAREY, J. 1992. Critique of Transmission Models of Communication and the View of
Communication as Culture: James Carey. Retrieved November 15, 2011 from
http://www9.georgetown.edu/faculty/irvinem/CCTP748/Carey-summary-comm-
culture.html.
CAWED, C. 1972. The Culture of Bontoc Igorot. R.P Garcia Publishing Company.
Manila, Philippines. Pp. 31-32.
CELINO, S.M. 1990. Death and Burial Rituals and Other Practices and Beliefs of the
Cordillerans.Ph.D Thesis, University of Baguio, Baguio City. Pp. 155,162-163.
CHAOKAS, F.L. 2005. Bontoc, Yesterday and Today. Bontoc, Mountain Province
Publishers. Mountain Province. Pp. 59-63.
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT ALLIANCE.2008.What Community Development
Does.RetrievedFebruary13,2011from http://www.communitydevelopmentalliance
scotland.org/documents/WhatCommunityDevelopmentDoes.pdf.
DUNN, D.M. and L.J. GOODNIGHT. 2003. Communication: Embracing Difference.
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of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data, Pearson Education
Inc. USA.Pp. 3-4.
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Rituals_Final.pdf.
FIAR-OD,CB.2011. On Rituals: Values to Learn. The Bontoc Culture by the Assocaition
of Retired Mentors. Vol1.Pp.40-41.
FRIESEN, J.D. 1990. Rituals and Family Strength. Vol.19 No.1. Retrieved August 20,
2011 from http://www.directionjournal.org/article/?654.
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FUMUCAO, E. and C. SAGAYO. 2011. Good Values Among Bontocs. The Bontoc
Culture by the Association of Retired Mentors. Vol.1.Pp.36-37
INGLEHART, R. and W.E. BAKER. 2000. Modernization, Cultural Change, and the
Persistence of Traditional Values. Retrieved September 10, 2011 from
http://my.fit.edu/~gabrenya/cultural/readings/Inglehart-Baker-2000.pdf.
KAPUNO, R. undated. Insights to the Cordillera. Retrieved August 19, 2011 from
http://www.tribephilippines.com/TribePhil/TribeVolNo01/CordilleraInsight.html.
LANGILL, S. 1998. Introduction to Indigenous Knowledge. Retrieved August 27, 2011
from http://www.agroforestry.net/overstory/overstory82.html.
MALANES, M. and A. ABNER. 1998. New Global Order Takes Toll on Indigenous
Peoples’ Rights. Indigenous Perspective: A Journal of the Tebteba Foundation
Inc. Vol.1.No.1.Pp. 116-118.
MANGAHAS, G.C. 2010. Indigenous Kankana-ey and Ibaloi Songs: A Communication
Strategy for Social Values Development Among Benguet Youth. Pp15-16.
NUVAL, P.A. 2010. Ba’diw as a Communication Tool for Community Development in
Topdac, Atok, Benguet, BS Thesis, College of Agriculture, Benguet State
University, La Trinidad, Benguet. Pp 38, 41, 45,53-55.
ROVILLOS, R. 1999. Indigenous Peoples: The Key to Biodiversity. Indigenous
Perspective: A Journal of the Tebteba Foundation Inc. Vol.11.No1.Pp. 19-21.
SAMOVAR, L.A. and R.E. PORTER. 1994. Intercultural Communication. Wadsworth
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PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012. The Power of Ritual : Capturing the
Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang for Community Development by
the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet. Benguet State University,
La Trinidad, Benguet
Adviser: Filmore Y. Awas, MDevCom
ABSTRACT
The study was generally conducted to document to the communication processes
in the practice of mangmang by the Bontoc tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad,
Benguet. Specifically, it aimed to determine the socio-demographic profile of the
respondents; discuss the communication processes involved in the practice of mangmang;
identify the communicated values involved in the practice of mangmang; discuss the
characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development; determine the
perceptions of the respondents on mangmang as a tool for community development;
discuss the changes in the practice of mangmang at present; discuss the communication
problems involved in the practice of mangmang; and determine the challenges faced by
elders and the community in practicing mangmang.
The researcher conducted the study from October 2011 to February 2012.
The key informants discussed the communication processes in the practice of
mangmang in accordance to before, during, and after the practice.
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The respondents also identified unity, respects, volunteerism, ritual protection,
and generosity as the values being communicated and observed in the practice of
mangmang.
Further, the respondents perceived mangmang as a contributor to community
development in terms of social relationship, health, and environment.
The respondents also identified the challenges in the practice of mangmang which
are: differences in spiritual belief, declining number of elders, inter-marriage, migration,
emergence of technologies, and education.
It is then recommended that the Bontoc tribe should continue practicing mangmang
as it shapes desirable social values to the participants and it is perceived to have
contribution towards community development in which they could develop a strong will
and sense of commitment which are observable to the participants who understood the
significance of such ritual. Also, they should continue the practice to remember the
teachings of the elders and their forefathers.
Further, as recommended by the respondents, they should employ house-to-house
visit when inviting participants as they consider it as more effective.
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PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012
INTRODUCTION
Rationale
Effective communication leads to understanding. Based on several definitions,
communication is the interdependent process of sending, receiving, and understanding
messages and effective communication between individuals depends on how effective the
communication process is.
The communication process is the guide towards realizing effective communication
(Sanchez, n.d.); thus, individuals that follow the communication process will have the
opportunity to become more productive in every aspect of their profession.
Dunn and Goodnight (2003) explained that the components of communication
process namely: encoding, medium of transmission, decoding, and feedback cannot be
examined separately, rather the relationship that exists between the sender and receiver, as
well as the environment of the communication venue must be viewed as a whole.
With this, the relationship between culture and communication is reciprocal; each
affects and influences the other. What we talk about, how we talk about it, what we see,
what we think, how we think about it are influenced by culture. In turn, what we talk about,
how we talk about it and what we see help shape, define and perpetuate our culture
(Samovar and Porter, 1994).
Thus, culture cannot exist without communication and one cannot change without
causing change in the other.
Meanwhile, the International Institute of Rural Reconstruction (1996) as cited by
Langill (1998) further emphasized the need to examine aspects of culture that may play an
important role in shaping Indigenous Knowledge (IK) as a contributor for development.
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Mangmang is an indigenous practice, particularly a ritual of the Bontoc Igorots that
involves butchering of animals, mostly chickens and pigs. This is comparable to the
Benguet cañao. It is performed on any called-for occasion to appease the anger of an
ancestor or to counteract any evil or harm inflicted by a bad anito (Cawed, 1972).
In Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet, the practice of mangmang has always been
a part of the lives of the Bontoc tribe particularly the Can-eo group residing in the place.
As observed, this is strongly practiced as the tribe compose many elders whereas they still
confirm to the traditional practices because of their belief to the Supreme Being they call
Kafunian and to the anitos that they say are the ones protecting the environment. These
elders are greatly respected by the community so they are the ones leading the group in any
cultural practices and rituals.
However, rituals like mangmang and other indigenous practices in the Cordillera
are faced by the threat of near extinction because of the fast pace of modernization. Not
only its practice, the value of performing mangmang has been overlooked by the society
particularly the youth and is now practiced by few as it is viewed as a superstitious act done
by the ‘old people’.
Several studies noted that IK is not systematically documented. It has the
disadvantage of not having been captured and stored in a systematic way. The main reason
for this constraint is that it is handed down orally from generation to generation. This
creates an implicit danger that Indigenous Knowledge, Systems and Practices (IKSP) may
become instinct (UNESCO, 2003).
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To document such including the communication process involved in the practice
complement what Langill (1998) noted that it could it could be utilize towards formation
of sustainable development.
With the above premises, the need to write and document about these practices,
its role in the society, and the values they carry, is of importance.
Statement of the Problem
Generally, the study aimed to document the communication process being followed
in the practice of mangmang.
Specifically aims to answer the following questions:
1. What is the socio-demographic profile of the respondents?
2. What are the communication processes involved in the practice of mangmang?
3. What are the communicated values in the practice of mangmang?
4. What are the characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development?
5. How is mangmang perceived by the respondents as a tool for community
development?
6. What are the changes in the practice of mangmang at present?
7. What are the communication problems involved in the practice of mangmang as
perceived by the respondents?
8. What are the challenges faced by elders and the community in practicing
mangmang?
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Objectives of the Study
Generally, the study aimed at documenting the communication processes in the
practice of mangmang. Specifically, the study was able to:
1. determine the socio-demographic profile of the respondents;
2. discuss the communication processes involved in the practice of mangmang;
3. identify the communicated values involved in the practice of mangmang;
4. discuss the characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development;
5. determine the perceptions of the respondents on mangmang as a tool for
community development;
6. discuss the changes in the practice of mangmang at present;
7. discuss the communication problems involved in the practice of mangmang;
and
8. determine the challenges faced by elders and the community in practicing
mangmang.
Importance of the Study
The study may help in the preserving the culture for the elders and the younger
generations through documentation. In the conduct of study, it may create community
consciousness among the Bontoc Igorots and also the other tribes residing in Bayabas,
Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet about the treat of extinction faced by these practices, rituals,
beliefs, and to the culture as a whole.
In the process of data collection, it may also bring in awareness among the residents
about the practice of mangmang, the values they carry and its role as contributor to
community development.
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Moreover, the documentation may be used by the indigenous groups like the
National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP) in their aim of protecting and
preserving the Indigenous Knowledge, Systems, and Practices of the indigenous people to
strengthen more the culture of the group. Results of the study may also be used by students
or anyone who is interested to learn about the ritual.
Scope and Limitation
The study was only limited in studying one of the rituals of the Bontoc tribe which
is mangmang and the communication processes involved in the practice. The study
specifically aims to identify the contributions of mangmang towards community
development; discuss the changes in the practice of mangmang at present; and to determine
the challenges faced by elders and the community in practicing mangmang.
The documentation was limited in mangmang during burial as it is the most
commonly performed ceremony in the locale of the study.
The study was conducted in Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet where mangmang
is still practiced. It is also where the respondents will be taken from. Other information
other than those stated above will not be included in the study.
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REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Bontoc Tribe
The Bontoc Igorot have physical characteristics that distinguish them from
lowlanders. The Bontoc men average 5’4 1/8” in heights while women average 4’9
3/8”.Most have broad and flat noses (Andres, 2004).
Andres (2004) added that the Bontoc Igorot are dark brown in color, although many
who rarely work in fields are fair-skinned. Most have long straight hair. Their eyes are light
or dark brown and are deep set.
However, he noted that the younger generation tended to be taller and have
delicately developed bodies.
Religious Beliefs and Rituals
of the Bontoc Tribe
While the Greeks believe and were governed by the gods and goddesses of Mt.
Olympus, the Bontoc tribe also believes in the Supreme Being they call Kafunian and his
son Lumawig. According to the old religion, it was Lumawig who asked his father’s
permission to come down to earth to get married. It was Lumawig who taught the people
of Bontoc many arts and skills and also did miraculous things. Perhaps it is for this reason
that he became more popular than his father Kafunian. Many times, people refer to
Kafunian as Intutungcho (Chaokas, 2005).
Chaokas (2005) added that these people also believe in anitos, the spirits of their
dead ancestors and relatives. More often than not, when a person gets sick, it is believed
that the sickness was caused by the anito/s of his family. The Bontocs believe that there is
life after death and they also believe in the existence of the soul. They further believe that
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these anitos come to visit their living relatives from time to time especially on religious
feast days.
Meanwhile, according to the collected archives of the Cordillera, the indigenous
peoples of the Cordilleras invariably perform several rituals in the life cycle of an
individual, from pregnancy until death, and most of the time even after death (Spirited
Thoughts, 2011).
These rituals involve the slaughter of sacrificial animals, or what may be more
appropriately called ritual animals. The type and number of ritual animals depends largely
on the ritual itself, and the social status of the family for whom the ritual is performed.
Thus a single chicken might suffice, or the ritual might involve the slaughter of several
pigs. Some communities would require the slaughter of carabaos, cows or bulls, horses, or
dogs. Ritual celebrations might last for a few hours, a day, or several days. And because
there are several animals butchered, the entire villages, as well as friends and relatives from
neighboring villages, are invited to partake of the feast (Spirited Thoughts, 2011).
Mangmang as a Practice
According to Botengan (1976), the iBontoks believe in the power of prescribed
rituals for specific cases. All events of the Bontoc’s life from birth to death have specified
rituals that must be done. The general term for these rites is mangmang, ceremony where
sacrificial animal and prayers are offered to the spirits. This, however, is further specified
according to the purpose for which it is done and the sacrificial animals butchered.
Accordingly, mangmang is performed in different occasions and is only held in
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the morning or in the evening. No mangmang is ever held at noon because this means that
the animals to be used have to be butchered at fagfakhut (mid-morning) when the bad anitu
are around.
Communication Process in Rituals
According to Carey (1992), communication has two views, first is the transmission
view of communication and second is the ritual view of communication. The difference of
the latter on the first view as said by Carey (1992) is that it is not directed on the extension
of messages in space but toward the maintenance of society in time.
Accordingly, the ritual view was derived from the view of religion that downplays
the role of the sermon, the instruction and admonition, in order to highlight the role of the
prater, the chant, and the ceremony. It sees the original or highest manifestation of
communication not in the transmission of intelligent information but in the construction
and maintenance of an ordered, meaningful cultural world that can serve as a control and
container for human action
Meanwhile in the local scenario, Fiar-od (2009) said that in rituals, where there is
butchering of animals, it includes praying and chanting by individual or group. In prayers,
it is often suggestive of moral or ethical values relevant to the purpose of the ritual. This
then would support what Carey (1992) have explained about the ritual view of
communication.
Fiar-od (2009) also gave examples which are as follows; for a bountiful harvest,
stories would be how the people long ago labored to maximize whatever weeds and other
organic waste, relevant to land ownership, stories of struggles in defense of the land is
accounted for. Added to that, Fiar-od (2009) explained that, in church, we use to hear and
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say, “All things come to thee, Oh, Lord, and of thine own have we given thee,” on the part
of the Igorots , they articulate the meaning of the phrase in their customary practice of
sharing whenever one performs or hosts a ritual.
Characteristics of Rituals as a Tool
for Community Development
According to Fiar-od (2011), on rituals per se, they are based on four basic
community development principles: being pro-Almighty, pro-life or fiag nan takho, pro-
environment or fatawa, and pro-people or ib-a ay takho.
Fiar-od (2011) elaborated that a ritual is pro-Almighty if it does not alienate the
people from the teachings of Kabunyan or not against the biblical laws. It is pro-life, if it
does not bring threats of death or any other sufferings. A ritual is pro-environment if it does
not pave the way for the wanton destruction of the environment. Lastly, it is pro-people if
it serves the common interest of the community or the society.
In an interview with elder Fakat, he said that the indigenous culture of which people
are ritualistic had been contributory to the protection of the environment (Fiar-od, 2011).
Rituals as Contributor to Community
Development
According to the study of Nuval (2010) entitled “Ba’diw as a Communication Tool
for Community development in Topdac, Atok, Benguet,” the ba’diw which is an Ibaloi
ritual contributes to community development in parameters of agriculture, leadership,
values, culture, environment, health, education, personal commitment, and
family ties and community relations.
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The conclusion of Nuval (2010) are supported by Wolin and Bennett (1984) as cited
by Friesen (1990) stating that rituals reflect family traditions and are related to cultural,
religious and ethnic perspectives and practices. Rituals “remind us that communication can
be symbolic, that form gives meaning, that repetition promotes learning and that the past
is embedded in the present.”
As to the protection of culture, Friesen (1990) said that rituals carry religious and
cultural meaning which has been passed on through the generations. In this sense, rituals
maintain the traditional forms of culture and religious experience and help people construct
maps of reality which are rooted in the past but experienced in the present.
While, the last parameter which is strengthening family ties and community
relations was supported by Botengan (1976) saying that neighborliness is strengthened
during a practice of ritual. This is because immediate neighbors are always invited as they
are considered as siblings because in times of need or immediate assistance, it is ones’
neighbor whom one approach.
Added to that, Cotde (2010) as cited by Nuval (2010) noted that development starts
at home and together, the willingness of the family to adjust with their environment and
their willingness to work out for harmonious relationship will result to a united community.
Cotde’s (2010) statement was also verified by Friesen (1990) saying that rituals
may also be viewed as contributing to the development of a family identity. He added that
rituals which coordinate family, church and community values are helpful to young people
in developing their sense of personal identity.
This was also further explained by Van Gennep in his book, Rites of Passage, as
cited by Friesen (1990) explaining that a family or tribe’s rituals, as rites of passage, assist
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an individual family or tribal member’s successful development at various stages of life by
providing within the family or tribal community, a process for that individual to first, break
away from an earlier developmental stage; second, to be introduced to and to learn the new
information needed for the next stage of his or her development; and third, for the
reintegration of that individual into his or her family or tribal community with that new
information to begin the next step of his or her personal development, all toward continuing
the successful life of that family or tribal community.
Another function of rituals assumed by Scheff (1979) as cited by Friesen (1990) is
their provision of support during periods of mourning such as funerals. Friesen (1990)
detailed that during mourning, groups of people join with each other to bear each others’
burdens, share food, wear certain clothes and express certain words of comfort. The
experience of mourning is time-limited and the circumstances are well defined, thus
creating a feeling of safety and security for the participants. Mourning rituals are often
linked to meals or visiting; consequently they may reduce isolation and loneliness,
especially during periods of loss as in death. In this case, it could be related to the
strengthening of community relations.
Moreover, rituals facilitate healing. Personal and relational healing is needed at
various stages of human life. Rituals are an important part of the healing process. For
example, losses sustained through death or divorce is in need of healing. The support of
the church and the conduct of meaningful religious ceremonies are particularly important
during times of loss. Family losses as in suicide, violence or unexpected death resulting
from accidents and pregnancy loss may especially call for healing (Friesen, 1990).
Thus, the effective use of rituals, as stressed by Friesen (1990), is one avenue of
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strengthening families and creating an environment where personal well-being is
enhanced.
All of these supports what Nuval (2010) have concluded in his study about the
contribution of a ritual to a particular community.
Functions of Rituals in the Community
Aside from the contributions of rituals to community development, it has also other
important functions in the community. For example according to Kapuno (n.d.), in times
of hardships or death in the community or in the family; in times of victory or after
a good fortune – as advisers or guides, these native ritual ministers act as medicine men,
harmonizers, negotiators, arbiters, and even spiritual advisers.
Kapuno (n.d.) further elaborated in his article, Insights to the Cordillera, that the
main purposes why rituals are held in the Cordillera highlands, these are to protect,
preserve and enhance Cordillera cultural heritage; give justice and sense of equity in the
community; to preserve and protect the environment; and to harmonize and reconcile
opposing forces to attain peace, balance, harmony and solidarity.
The indigenous people of the Cordillera are a living testament of a people’s
appreciation of the environment, caring and respecting what sustains their very existence.
Their indigenous rituals celebrating life - or marching for war, or negotiating for peace and
harmony, or meting out justice, or mourning in death are befitting tributes to the vigilance
and rich history of these indigenous people as revealed by historical accounts and
developments (Kapuno, n.d.).
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Accordingly, rituals exist to resolve humanity’s dilemmas going back to prehistory,
and there are several archeological evidences that these activities produced effective and
mysteriously accurate results.
To further explain the roles of rituals, Fiar-od (2009) also stressed the purposes of
prayers in rituals which is done for a bountiful harvest, stories would be how the people
long ago labored to maximize whatever weeds and other organic waste and, prayers
relevant to land ownership, stories of struggles in defense of the land is accounted for. It
also included the purpose of sacrificial animals during the rituals which is for good harvest,
good health, fertility of couples, long and peaceful life, empower leaders or people, and
send-off during burials. Thus, Fiar-od (2009), based on several studies and
researches concluded that Cordillera rituals are among the factors affecting cultural and
socio-economic development of the Cordillerans.
Values Communicated in Practicing Rituals
The old folks of the Cordilleras are profoundly obsessed with the responsibility of
transplanting their traditional rituals to the younger generation, who are often made as
participant-observer (Celino, 1990).
In transplanting the traditional rituals also comes the inheritance of values. As to
the findings of Celino (1990), the values being transplanted in rituals includes the
cultivation and development of a deep sense of community membership that when
neighbors come together show oneness and unity to ease the plight of a bereaved family.
Also, Celino (1990) noted that during rituals comes the development of a strong
will and sacrifice, development of desirable traits whereas the participation of the young
provides opportunities for development of cooperation, patience, and obedience
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Likewise, in the study of Nuval (2010), one of his conclusions claimed that rituals
produce a value-laden citizens. His claim was supported by his own findings that a ritual
has their own values. In the case of ba’diw, values are told through stories. The values
include discipline, morality, relationship with others, lessons learned from experiences,
shared relationship with others, emotional development, reconciliation for family
members.
Meanwhile, according to Friesen (1990), rituals facilitate the transmission of
values, that rituals serve as the vehicle for the passing down of values and beliefs.
Cultural Changes and Extinction
Modernization theorists from Karl Marx to Daniel Bell have argued that economic
development brings pervasive cultural changes. Cultural change, however, is path
dependent. The broad cultural heritage of a society leaves an imprint on values that endure
despite modernization (Inglehart and Baker, 2000).
Inglehart and Baker (2000) using data from the three waves of the World Values
Survey, which include 65 societies and 75% of the world’s population, found evidence that
of massive cultural change because of modernization.
Akullo (2007), on the other hand, noted that a lot of indigenous knowledge has been
lost through deaths of elderly people since there is no formal documentation of such
knowledge.
The findings of Inglehart, Baker (2000) and Akullo (2007) was explained by
Langill (1998) that culture can be eroded by wider economic and social forces. Pressure on
indigenous people to integrate with larger societies is often great, and as they become more
integrated, the social structures which generate cultural practices can break down. The
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growth of national and international markets, the imposition of educational and religious
systems and the impact of various development processed are leading more and more to
the homogenization of the world’s cultures but consequently, indigenous beliefs, values,
customs, know-how and practices may be altered.
Going to the local view, in the compiled archives of Cordillera, it was explained
that there were changes in the practice of ritual now days. This includes the sizes of pigs
butchered in an occasion, since the pigs that we have now grow to gigantic sizes, and so
the meat from a single pig now would exceed the meat from five pigs of the traditional
variety. The numbers of required ritual animals have however remained the same.
Therefore, these ritual ceremonies truly satisfy the meaning of a “feast” in the sense that
there is abundance of culinary delights. Though, with our absorption of foreign influences,
these feasts now include other delicacies as cakes and salads of all kinds, pasta
preparations, candy, and many other purchasable goods (Spirited Thoughts, 2011).
Meanwhile, in weddings and wakes, guests are allowed to give donations in many
forms. Of course, in older times, these were in the form of rice and other food, their physical
labor and presence during the festivities, ritual animals, wine, and most anything else that
might be needed. It encouraged the mutual-help systems that existed in those times. Family
relations also figure prominently, with relatives, no matter how far removed, chipping in
whatever they can to help (Spirited Thoughts, 2011).
Accordingly, current times have not diminished the feeling of community and
family relations in indigenous feasts. Rather, because we have become more affluent as we
engaged in non-traditional economic endeavors, the gifts we give during these feasts have
also gained affluence. Instead of the traditional rice and foodstuffs we donated to each
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other, the availability of cash has many of us giving cash donations during special feasts.
It is arrogant for any of us to refuse whatever help our guests give us, for these guests are
merely affirming their belongingness to the community, or our relations with them, or both.
It is their way of saying that they are one with us (Spirited Thoughts, 2011).
Challenges Faced by IKSP of the IP People
Indigenous People (IP), through their self organization and collective struggles
have historically fought for the protection of their Indigenous Knowledge (IK) (Rovillos,
1999).
The statement above was explained by Langill (1998) that with the rapid
environmental, social, economic and political changes occurring in many areas inhabited
by indigenous people comes the danger that the Indigenous Knowledge (IK) they possess
will be overwhelmed and lost forever. Younger generations are acquiring different values
and lifestyles as a result of exposure to global and national influences, and traditional
communication networks are breaking down, meaning that elders are dying without
passing their knowledge on to children. In some cases, the actual existence of indigenous
people themselves is threatened.
Rovillos (1999) added that global diversity is rapidly deteriorating. Indigenous
people’s sustainable management practices and knowledge are eroding. The cause of these
problems is many and complex.
In the Philippines, Malanes and Abner (1998) compared IK to the Philippine eagle
and Africa’s rhinoceros and with the indigenous people as becoming endangered species.
Their distinct race and culture, along with their secrets in sustaining the biodiversity and
ecosystem in their land, are now threatened more than ever. The indigenous people have
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remained powerless before the major actors of the new global system- transnational
corporations, the rich nations, powerful governments and international banks and lending
institutions. These key players have adopted and promoted policies friendly to
transnational corporate interests but disastrous to the indigenous people and the
environment.
The rights of indigenous people and local communities over biodiversity and their
cultural knowledge, that go along with its conservation, developments, and use, are not
acknowledged. Also, the indigenous people could not find redress for the injustices and
oppression they suffered as distinct collectivities and even individuals in their countries.
Thus, it becomes imperative for them to seek spaces where they could air their issues,
aspirations, and demands (Malanes and Abner, 1998).
In the local perspective, according to Fiar-od (2009), among the Igorots, the erosion
of values in relation to indigenous resource management, customary laws for sustainability
are highly affected by migration, modernization, education and technologies.
Operational Definition of Terms
Mangmang. This is a Bontoc ritual usually done with the butchering of pig/s and
prayers are offered to the spirits.
Community development. This is the ability of the people to act together to
strengthen their community and to influence the social, economic, political and
environmental issues which affect them. It seeks to enable individuals and communities to
grow and change according to their own needs and priorities.
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METHODOLOGY
Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted in Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet (Figure 1). As to
the barangay profile, Pico stands out among the 16 barangays of La Trinidad being number
one in terms of revenue. It is an urban municipality bounded to the north by Barangay
Betag; to the south by Baguio City; to the east by Barangay Balili and to the west by
Barangay Puguis.
Barangay Pico has an estimated land area of 329.3567 hectares which comprise of
the 4.08% of the municipality land area. The barangay is generally flat on the eastern part.
It has high terrain and steep mountains towards the north-western portion leading to sitio
Bayabas. Slope ranges from 9 to 30%. Elevation ranges from 1,400 to 1,600 meters above
sea level.
The barangay has a temperate climate. It has an average temperature of 26 degrees
centigrade at minimum. It has two pronounced seasons: dry from November to April and
wet during the rest of the year.
Pico was chosen as the locale of study particularly Sitio Bayabas because the place
is mostly inhabited by people from Mountain Province that includes the Bontoc tribe who
still practice the ritual of mangmang.
The study was conducted from October 2011 to February 2012.
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Figure 1. Map showing the locale of the study
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Respondents of the Study
Twenty respondents were purposively selected for the study with the following as
the criteria: must be a resident of Bayabas and belongs to Bontoc tribe; must be
knowledgeable of mangmang; witnessed the practice of mangmang; and participated in the
practice of mangmang.
Five key informants were also identified from the respondents as source of deeper
knowledge about the practice.
Data Collection
The data from all the respondents were collected through personal interview using
guide questions for the key informants.
Data Gathered
The data gathered focused primarily on the communication processes involved on
the practice of mangmang particularly after the burial. It also include the values being
communicated in the practice of mangmang, perceptions of respondents on mangmang as
contributor to community development, changes in the practice of mangmang at present,
what are the challenges faced by elders and the community in practicing mangmang, and
what communication problems exist in the practice of mangmang.
Data Analysis
The data gathered were consolidated, tabulated and were analyzed through
descriptive statistics using frequency counts, percentage and average. The data were also
processed and presented in a narrative form.
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SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
Generally, the study was conducted to document the communication processes
involved in the practice of mangmang as practiced by the Bontoc tribe residing in Bayabas
Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet. Specifically, it aimed to determine the socio-demographic
profile of the respondents; discuss the communication processes involved in the practice
of mangmang; identify the communicated values involved in the practice of mangmang;
discuss the characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development; determine
the perceptions of the respondents on mangmang as a tool for community development;
discuss the changes in the practice of mangmang at present; discuss the communication
problems involved in the practice of mangmang; and determine the challenges faced by
elders and the community in practicing mangmang.
There were twenty respondents and five key informants were identified from them.
They were chosen from the following criteria; must be knowledgeable of mangmang;
witnessed the practice of mangmang; and participated in the practice of mangmang.
The data were gathered through an interview schedule which was conducted from
October 2011 to February 2012.
Bontocs have many religious beliefs and practices which include the practice of
mangmang which is a ritual done in any occasion.
The communication process involved before the practice of mangmang focuses on
the invitation of the participants done by a family member or anyone who is commanded
by the elder or the family to do the task; the recitation of the prayer done by the elder or
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the person commanded to do the task and; on sending the meat to those who were not able
to attend the practice.
Mangmang, just like the other rituals, also carry values which are imparted to the
people who participate in the practice. Unity, respect, helpfulness, ritual protection and
charity are among the identified values by the respondents which they observe in the
performance of mangmang.
The characteristics of mangmang as a tool for community development also follows
the values being communicated in the practice. The characteristics fall under the principles
of Fiar-od (2011) as being pro-Almighty, pro-life, pro-environment, and pro-people.
Furthermore, mangmang also has its own contribution towards community
development. It is seen as very important in maintaining and creating social relationships,
mangmang also helps facilitate healing of a person or a family especially when they lost
someone and, it also helps in preserving and protecting the environment. This is because
the Bontocs believe that the earth, mountains and the bodies of water are sacred places
where the spirits and anitos dwell who are also act as their guardians.
Over the years, changes also occurred in the practice of mangmang. Today, only
few elders could recite the kapya and most often they use a prayer taught by the church or
the derived from the Bible. Also, the type of the animal to be butchered no longer need to
be native. The way of inviting participants also changed, before they employ purely house-
to-house invitation and now because of technologies like cell phones and other
communication device, messages could just be sent through a text message or
through a call. However, since all does not own a phone, they still employ house-to-
house invitation.
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The factors contributed to such changes were the influence of the church, the
declining number of elders, inter-marriage, migration, emergence of technologies and
education.
Communication problems were also observed in the practice of mangmang like the
usage of phone was not convenient to all as it can undergo technical problems, instances
where messages are delayed or are not sent and when there is signal interruption. Other
than the usage of phone, the words and terminologies spoken by the elders are hardly
understood by the young ones or by the people not belonging to the tribe. The reason was
that they were not exposed to their own dialect and they did not learn to speak their own
local dialect or when they did not grew up in the province.
The challenge then lies on the younger generation to either acquire or not to acquire
their own culture, to either maintain or break the practice. The elders have already done
their part imparting this practice to the younger generation and they hope they would
continue practicing it.
Conclusions
The following conclusions were drawn based on the findings of the study:
1. The communication processes involved in the practice of mangmang varies in
accordance to before, during, and after the practice.
2. The practice of mangmang develops and shares desirable social values to the
participants.
3. Performance of mangmang carries significant personal, spiritual and social
characteristics that could be treated as a tool towards community development.
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4. Mangmang could be an effective tool for community development in terms of
social relationship, health, and environment as perceived by the respondents.
5. Modernization and the emergence of technologies are still seen as factors to the
change of some indigenous practice like the mangmang.
6. Challenges in the practice of mangmang lies within the community that holds
and nurtures the practice influenced by modernization.
Recommendations
Based on the findings, the following are then recommended:
1. As recommended by the respondents, the invitation of participants to attend
mangmang should still be house-to-house visit as they consider it more effective than using
cell phones.
2. The Bontoc community should continue practicing mangmang as it shapes
desirable social values to the participants and it is perceived to have contribution towards
community development in which they could develop a strong will and sense of
commitment which are observable to the participants who understood the significance of
such ritual.
3. The changes in the practice should not hinder the community in practicing the
mangmang rather it could be taken positively and correct the wrong notions towards
mangmang and other rituals in the Cordillera as being ‘paganistic’.
4. The Bontoc community in Bayabas should continue practicing mangmang to
remember the teachings of the elders, their forefathers and to maintain their relationships
as proven by the strengthened relationship among family members and the community as
a whole.
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5. The parents should persuade their children to attend such practice for the child
to be exposed in his own culture and at the same time so that they could adhere to the
practice and help in protecting it from totally vanishing.
6. Modernization and technological advancement should not be seen as threat but
more of a challenge for these cult6ural practices to be conserved or preserved. The
advancement of technology could be an opportunity for those practices to be preserved.
With this, a continuous documentation with the aid of the technologies should be promoted.
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The Power of Ritual : Capturing the Communication Processes in the Practice of Mangmang
for Community Development by the Bontoc Tribe in Sitio Bayabas, Pico, La Trinidad, Benguet |
PALCON, EYRYL ENGNGEG. APRIL 2012