BIBLIOGRAPHY LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. ...
BIBLIOGRAPHY
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012. Documentation of Rituals of the
Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials. Benguet State University, La Trinidad,
Benguet.
Adviser: Filmore Y. Awas, MDC
ABSTRACT
The study was conducted to identify the socio-demographic profile of the
respondents; specify the rituals during burials; identify the processes involved during
burials in terms of materials used and its symbols; identify the processes involved during
burials in terms of materials used and its symbols, participants involved, the messages
communicated by the participants, and how these messages are communicated during
burials; and identify the changes in the communication practices.
The study was conducted in Gohang, Banaue, Ifugao, one of the nineteen barangays
of Banaue. Ten families served as the respondents and five mumbakis served as the key
informants of the study to validate the data gathered from the other respondents. Aside
from interviews, photos were also taken of different types of materials used during the
rituals. These data were tabulated, categorized and consolidated using narrative
description.
Before the burial, a number of rituals were being practiced such as the inyappuy,
allageh, munchana, hidit hulili, utung, and bardad. These rituals are to Maknongan (God)
for the acceptance of the soul of the dead. During the burial, the gamun and indamuh were
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
performed for blessing and separation of the widow/widower from the dead. After the
burial, these ngilin and lawit were performed for the ending of mourning and for the
prosperity of the animals.
After a year, the Binog-ar or the Binogwah were practiced for the bone cleansing
of the dead where the bones are brought out for cleaning. The burial practices were still
performed except for the chana. This bone funeral will depend on the butchering of chicken
by the mumbakis. Also, this is a final farewell for the widow/widower before he/she will
get married again.
These practices were still practiced because people in the area still strongly believe
on their traditional god, Maknongan, including anitos and spirits of their ancestors.
Materials used during these rituals depends on the status of the dead and mumbakis are the
only persons who can perform the rituals specially the prayers for the rituals.
It is recommended that an in-depth study on the wakes and burials associated to the
Gohang People of Banaue be conducted to validate the results of this study. It is further
recommended that the messages conveyed during the rituals done in relation to burials be
recorded and translated for the people who have no knowledge on the Ifugao
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
INTRODUCTION
Rationale
Indigenous peoples the world-over have been highly susceptible to the loss of their
cultural heritage as distinct peoples. Numerous threats, both external and internal have
contributed much to the erosion of their knowledge, systems and practices. External factors
include the aggressive cultural assimilation policies usually adopted by states and its
institutions in the name of development and globalization.
For example, according to Rovillos (1999), in some instances, the entry of tourism
in the territories of indigenous peoples may have brought several opportunities to the
people; however, the same tourist-related activities have resulted to the commercialization
of culture, conflicts within communities, and disruption of the indigenous peoples’ lives.
In consequence, many indigenous rituals and indigenous art have been treated as mere
commodities devoid of their sacred meanings as identified by indigenous peoples.
Internally, changes in the values of indigenous peoples themselves combine with
external factors to increase the observed rapid deterioration of indigenous culture. These
are observed especially in the urbanized territories of indigenous peoples, including town
centers in the rural areas.
Changing values brought on by modernization shun indigenous knowledge,
especially among the young who are no longer interested to learn from their elders. Some
elders, themselves are reluctant to pass their knowledge, preferring that the youth seek a
formal education and a degree to be able to find work to support their families.
Outmigration due to poverty in rural areas and rapid urbanization in cities endanger the
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
continued practice and transmission of indigenous knowledge. Lack of land security,
material poverty and denial of basic services in the countryside encourage migration to
cities (EED-TFIP, 2009).
On the other hand, there is also the observance of the persistence of indigenous
knowledge, systems and practices in indigenous communities, albeit in varying degrees.
Observance of traditional rituals and celebrations are still quite common among
communities found in the rural areas. These practices have been the outlet of indigenous
communities to assert their collective and distinct identity as a people. These play an
important role in their survival as a distinct sector in the society.
It is therefore important to document the indigenous knowledge, systems and
practices that have survived the onslaught of years of colonization and modern pressures
before they are completely obliterated, especially the communication processes in these
practices. Also, the survival of the indigenous peoples impacts the survival of the society
in general as it was explicitly stated in the UN Principles and Guidelines for Protection of
the Heritage of Indigenous Peoples that the effective protection of the heritage of the
indigenous peoples of the world benefits all humanity.
In the Philippines, the municipality of Banaue, Ifugao is one of the top tourist
destinations. It boasts of the Ifugao rice terraces situated in the Sitios of Batad and Bangaan
which were tagged as the Eighth Wonder of the World and were declared by the UNESCO
as a World Heritage Site. In this community, one can perceive the two trends happening to
indigenous culture – its persistence alongside its deterioration.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
As with all other indigenous communities, traditional rituals and celebrations are
still highly observed by the Banaue peoples. One example of this is the rigid performance
of traditional practices associated to funerals.
Funerals include all observances connected with death and burial. Such
observances are a distinctive human characteristic. Not only are they deeply associated
with religious beliefs about the nature of death and the existence of an afterlife, but they
also have important psychological, sociological, and symbolic functions for the survivors.
Thus, the study of the ways in which the dead are treated in different cultures leads to a
better understanding of the many diverse views about death and dying, as well as of human
nature. Funerary rites and customs are concerned not only with the preparation and disposal
of the body, but also with the well-being of the survivors and with the persistence of the
spirit or memory of the deceased (Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia, 2009).
In Banaue, observing funerals, particularly wakes where people “watch over the
dead body” (thefreedictionary, 2012) and burials or “the entombment of a corpse”
(Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia, 2009), one can draw the conclusion that these are still
practiced alongside the persistence of indigenous patterns of social stratification. Rituals
done during these observances differ, not only according to the social status of the dead
but also according to the nature of the death. Moreover, communication practices also
differ in the performance of these rituals, according to some elders in the area.
Documenting communication practices during funerals and burials will generate a
portrait of their idea of the afterlife through the understanding of the meanings attached to
the materials and communication patterns used during these practices.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Statement of the Problem
The study intended to answer the following questions:
1. What is the socio-demographic profile of the respondents?
2. What are the rituals performed during burials?
3. What are the processes involved during burials in terms of the
following:
a. Materials used its symbols
b. Participants involved
c. What are the messages communicated by the participants?
d. How are these messages communicated during wakes and burials?
4. What are the changes in the communication practices?
Objectives of the Study
The study documented the communication practices of the Gohang people in
Banaue, Ifugao during wakes and burials. Specifically, it was able to:
1. identify socio-demographic profile of the respondents;
2. specify the rituals in during burials;
3. identify the processes involved during burials in terms of the following:
a. Materials used and its symbols
b. Participants involved
c. identify the messages communicated by the participants;
d. how these messages are being communicated during burials; and
4. identify the changes in the communication practices.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Importance of the Study
Through this study, the people may gain knowledge on what the Ifugao people are
practicing during funerals and burials. They may also understand why these practices are
being done.
The study may be a great help to the people that are not familiar with the culture of
the Ifugaos; for them to understand the significance of these practices especially to the
family of the dead.
Furthermore, this could be a good source material for the next researchers who want
to study more about the cultures of the Ifugao people.
Scope and Limitation of the Study
The study was a simple documentation of rituals performed by the Gohang people
during burials. It focused on the indigenous practices being observed by the respondents
during the whole term of a funeral. It included the socio-demographic profile of the
respondents. Particularly, the study centered on the processes followed by the respondents
during burials as well as the changes in these practices and the problems which are related
to the said practices faced by the respondents.
This study did not include the rituals concerning the intentional death. Intentional
death are for the murdered, suicide, and died in an accident wherein there is someone being
blamed for its cause. Suicide was included on the intentional death because it is caused by
self-pity, depression, and failures in life where no one is to be blamed but itself.
It was conducted from December 2011 to January 2012 at Barangay Gohang,
Banaue, Ifugao.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
History has it that in all the cultures of the world, the dead is given accorded
significance. This is evident in the scores of scholarly writings about ritualistic rites and
practices associated to death.
These practices were originally motivated not by hygienic considerations but by
ideas entertained by primitive peoples concerning human nature and destiny. This
conclusion is clearly evident from the fact that the disposal of the dead from the earliest
times was of a ritual kind… The ritual burial of the dead, which is thus attested from the
very dawn of human culture and which has been practiced in most parts of the world, stems
from an instinctive inability or refusal on the part of man to accept death as the definitive
end of human life. Despite the horrifying evidence of the physical decomposition caused
by death, the belief has persisted that something of the individual person survives the
experience of dying…The belief that human beings survive death in some form has
profoundly influenced the thoughts, emotions, and actions of mankind. The belief occurs
in all religions, past and present, and decisively conditions their evaluations of man and his
place in the universe. Mortuary rituals and funerary customs reflect these evaluations; they
represent also the practical measures taken to assist the dead to achieve their destiny and
sometimes to save the living from the dreaded molestation of those whom death had
transformed into a different state of being (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2009).
Indigenous Funeral Rituals: A Marriage
Of Christian and Pagan Notions of the after life
In the Philippines, belief in the afterlife permeates all culture, even in the pre-
colonial era. Generally, it was believed the good went to heaven, or its Philippine
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
equivalent, while the evil went to hell. The very widespread belief that heaven and hell
were divided into different levels was also found in the Philippines. Which region one goes
to depends on different factors. Among the Bagobo, for example, those who die accidental
deaths all go to a particular heaven, or hell. Usually, whether one goes to heaven or hell,
the individual is able to work up to higher levels and is not condemned for eternity to stay
in one place. Merit or self-improvement is the usual way of rising to the next level, although
in some cases something like purgatory exists (asiapacificuniverse, 2011).
The introduction of Christianity in the Philippines has resulted to a marriage
between Christian notions of life and death and the indigenous or traditional beliefs
associated to death, especially in the rural areas.
Among the Igorots of the Cordilleras in Northern Philippines, practices associated
to death are expressions of their religious views deeply rooted in their culture as indigenous
peoples. Although strong Christian influences have pervaded their culture, the rituals
practiced during funerals and burials still resonate with an air of animism and ancestor
worship. Leprozo (2009) asserted that the death of a family or clan member is accompanied
by traditional death and burial practices that have survived the strong influence of
Christianity introduced by the Spanish colonizers, with the various tribes incorporating
pagan and Christian traditions.
Areas of Commonality in Death and Burial Practices
Leprozo (2009) further explains that death and burial practices follow a general rule
but differ in accordance with their native vernacular.
Labfayong (2005) listed three areas of commonality:
Funerals are venues for families to be gathered again. Among us Igorots,
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
the event of death is a very special occasion which is of value and has to be observed. As
much as possible even now in the times of diaspora, all the close relatives have to be
gathered and are expected to be around when someone in the family had died. Children,
siblings, spouses and parents should not be missing in the list of important relatives to be
present in times when someone died.
Animal offerings. There are animals to be offered/butchered as there are tremendous
numbers of people expected to be around during the time of vigil and wake. Not only the
direct relatives and friends, almost the whole community is welcomed to join the bereaved
family during their process of working out their last respect to the dead. People come for
the wake and also for the burial and they have to be hosted and be fed as well. This explains,
why we butcher numerous animals.
The numbers and the variety of pigs or chicken have to be proper, especially on the
day of the burial.
Funeral Rituals as Indicator of Social Status
It is also observed in all provinces of the Cordillera region that there are separate
funeral and burial rites practiced during the death of a person belonging to a wealthy clan
and of that belonging to the lower economic class. Also, rituals done usually depend on
how a person died. The elders, since they are the carriers of tradition usually head these
rituals.
According to Piluden-Omengan (2004), the Kankana-eys of Sagada, Mountain
Province have instituted burial and mourning rites for people who died a natural death and
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
those who died as a result of an accident, murder or suicide. The wake during the latter is
usually brief and uneventful.
In Kalinga, the people usually follow these general but not rigid steps for those who
have died a natural death, like old age:
The pakoy (death announcement) is done to announce that somebody has died in the
community. It calls for the gathering of the clan to discuss things to be done during the wake.
Close kin and neighbors are informed. It also signals people to will reset whatever celebration
they had planned earlier to show sympathy and respect for the grieving family. It manifests the
value of concern toward the bereaved family. The pakoy prods people to gather to build the
bawi (shelter for visitors), helping build a community spirit of cooperation and assistance. A
number of carabaos and pigs are slaughtered, and are offered to Kabunyan, the supreme deity,
and to dead ancestors. Coffins are made of quality mature pine or mahogany, without any
metal or nails holding it together (Leprozo, 2009).
Dulawan (1991) in Ifugao Culture and History describes the difference between the
rituals done for a kadangyan (wealthy) who died and for a nawotwot (poor):
For the Kadangyan, the corpse, dressed in full regalia as befits a
kadangyan, is made to sit in the haludag, a seat made by criss-crossing betel nut trunks
across two posts planted right under the house. The corpse is tied to this seat with g-strings.
A woman sits by the corpse to swat the flies away (munwahiwa). For three days the gongs
are sounded. (It is understood that the deceased has performed the uyauy which entitles
him to the use of the gongs at his death). At night the hudhud (epics) are sung by men and
women. If the dead is not very old, loud crying is the custom. The married children of the
deceased share expenses of the burial in proportion to their inheritance. They have to deck
the dead with the proper garments (gamgamanda) and provide the customary sacrificial
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
offerings of animals (dangli). The eldest child who is supposed to have inherited the most
and the best of the family property is expected to spend the most. He usually takes care of
the expenses of the third day (katlu) because it is on this day that the greatest number of
people are present since it is the burial day. It is also a common practice to have the corpse
brought from one married child’s house to another for a day instead of letting it remain in
the same place. A corpse is usually kept for at least three days. In older times, a wealthy
man was sometimes kept for as long as ten days. During the wake, meat and drinks are
served to those who come to keep vigil.
The procedure is the same as that of the nawotwot except the gongs are not sounded
and the animals butchered are the small ones. Also, a nawotwot is not allowed to sit in the
haludag except if he/she has contributed much to the development or improvement of the
community.
Communication Practices in Funeral Rituals
Communication practices of the Igorots during funerals are usually in the form of
oral tradition passed from one generation to another. Although there are commonalities
among the different ethnolinguistic groups comprising the Igorots when it comes to these
practices, there are distinct traditions which are identifiable to each group (Brandon 2011).
Oribello (2009) stated that in the province of Kalinga, the death of a loved one is
known in the village through "pakoy" or "bogga" -- a long loud shout announcing the death
of a person. He further explained that the practice of "alba-ab" -- a cry in a native tune
where relatives of the dead express their sadness for the loss of their loved one is only
identifiable to the sub-etholinguistic group, Banao in Balbalan, Kalinga.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Piluden-Omengan (2004) as cited by Malanes (2010) explained that in the northern
villages of Sagada, Mountain province, at the event that a baby dies during the night, family
and community members watch the corpse until the next morning where the burial takes
place as soon as the sun rises. During the burial, a hen is butchered and an old man prays:
“You are gone. We pray that your destination is good and we, whom you left behind, will
stay healthy.”
Furthermore, he described that after the burial of a murder victim, a cleansing ritual,
the daw-es is done to cleanse all grief and pain where an elder from the community prays
to ward off the misfortune that had befallen the family of the dead and that the community
be allowed to live in peace. For the Village of Banga-an in northern Sagada, however,
before the daw-es is done, usually just before the burial, the corpse is paraded in the public
market where a dog is butchered while an old man calls to the spirit of the victim to take
revenge on whoever has destroyed him/her. In addition, the old man speaks to the elements
of the wild to shed light on whoever did the gruesome act.
Also, in the funeral and burial practices of the Igorots, oral texts are present in the
form of mourning songs, speeches and chants. Stanyukovich (2002) recorded that there are
three forms of the hudhud oral tradition among the Ifugaos, two of which is associated to
death rites. One of these is the hudhud di nate (funeral song/song of the dead) which is a
shamanistic song performed in the same manner as the most common hudhud (pure heroic
epic), pushing the soul toward the abode of the dead, practiced by the Ifugaos of Kiangan.
Before it reaches the underworld, the souls of one or two relatives who participate in the
chant are sent to catch up with it. They are endowed with qawil—gifts of the souls of rice,
pigs, and chickens (the underworld being the source of fertility)—by the deceased. The
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
moment when they meet is marked by the possession. The chant uses the epic melody and
formulaic language, the deceased being named by the appropriate epic hero’s name
(Stanyukovich, 1998). The other one is that of non-epic funeral chants spread in the areas
of Ifugao which does not normally practice the hudhud tradition.
Operational Definition of Terms
Mumbaki. The person performing the rituals of the burial.
Natural Death. A death due to health failure or incurable diseases, old age and
cardiac arrest and where no one is to be blamed.
Hangcher. A chair made out of wood designed only for the murdered.
Ungut. Wooden shallow bowl used in getting wines in the jars and only for rituals.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
METHODOLOGY
Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted in Gohang, one of the nineteen barangays of Banaue
(Figure 1), a fourth class municipality with a population of 21,477 scattered in 4,091
households, having a total land area of 191.20 square kilometers (73.8 square miles),
located in the province of Ifugao where traditional practices are still observed during
funerals.
Barangay Gohang is situated at the western part of the municipality. It is bordered
on the north by Barangay Viewpoint, on the west by Barangay San Fernando, on the south
by Barangay Uhaj and on the west by Barangay Poblacion, the town center (Figure 2).
Banaue can be reached by jeepney, bus or private car form Baguio City, or can be
reached from Manila via Cabanatuan City. Manila to Banaue is approximately 348
kilometers while Baguio to Banaue is approximately 333 kilometers. It takes only 10
minutes by jeepney to reach Barangay Gohang from the town center.
According to the 2007 National Census, out of the total population of Banaue, only
716 reside at Barangay Gohang. Majority of the residents belong to the Tuwali sub-
ethnolinguistic group with a few belonging to the other Ifugao sub-ethnolinguistic groups
(Ayangan and Kalanguya). Also, a small percentage of its population are non-Ifugaos or
are migrants from the other provinces of the Cordillera or are from other regions of the
Philippines.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Figure 1. The map of Ifugao showing the locale of the study
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Figure 2. The map of Banaue showing the locale of the study
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Tuwali is the language commonly used by the residents of Banaue, including
Gohang but just like in other places in the Cordilleras, Ilocano is the lingua franca. The
study was conducted at Gohang in Banaue Ifugao because the researcher observed that
there are a lot of rituals done during burials.
The study was conducted from December 2011 to February 2012.
Respondents of the Study
There were ten (10) respondents of the study. They were chosen through purposive
sampling. The criterion in choosing them is they must be a bonafide resident of Barangay
Gohang in the municipality of Banaue and have been practicing indigenous knowledge
during burials.
Moreover, there were five (5) key informants who are Mumbakis’ of the study to
validate the data gathered from the other respondents. Table shows the profile of the five
(5) key informants.
Table 1. Profile of the key informants of the study
KEY INFORMANTS
AGE
NUMBER OF YEARS OF
PRACTICING THE
RITUALS
William Ognayon Tucdaan
75
46
Peter Mondiguing
70
50
Jose Yucaddi Ambaliwon
61
40
Antonio Ottengan
79
55
Tinong Mangunol
76
50
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Data Collection
Data for the study were gathered primarily through interview schedule with the key
informants and the respondents. The questions in the interview were translated to Highland
Ilocano, the lingua franca of the Cordilleras, to facilitate a better communication
atmosphere between the respondents and the researcher.
Data Gathered
The data gathered were the following: the socio-demographic profile of the
respondents; the rituals in burials; the rituals in wakes and burials; the processes involved
during wakes and burials in terms of the following: materials used and its symbols,
participants involved, the messages communicated by the participants, and how these
messages are communicated during wakes and burials; and the changes in the
communication practices.
Data Analysis
The data gathered were tabulated, categorized and consolidated using narrative
description.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Socio-demographic Profile of Respondents
Table 2 shows the characteristics of the ten (10) purposively chosen respondents
based on their age, sex, occupation and religious denomination.
Majority of the respondents were on the age bracket 22-30, there were more males
(8) than females (2) and most of them were farmers (7) and Roman Catholic (8).
The ten respondents had families buried the traditional way hence, they had
experienced being the mourners in a wake or burial. All of them have attended funerals
and participated in the rituals associated to it.
Rituals Performed during Burials
According to key informant, Peter Mondiguing, natural death is when a person dies
due to old age, disease or because of an accident wherein no one is to be blamed for its
cause of death. A number of rituals, before the burial should be followed. This is to ensure
that the spirit of the dead will successfully travel to that next plane and will not bother the
living descendants. As narrated by Jose Ambaliwon, the following were usually done
during wakes:
Before the burial.
Inyappuy. This is an opening for the funeral and wake. Time of preparation for the
family of the dead to prepare the animals to be butchered and the body for the funeral.
Allageh. This symbolizes the start of a wake. Before the body of the dead was
already seated on a death chair hangcher or was already in a coffin.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Table 2. Socio-demographic profile of the respondents
CHARACTERISTICS
FREQUENCY
PERCENTAGE
N=20
(%)
Age
15 - 22 years old
1
10
22 - 30 years old
7
70
30 years old and above
2
20
TOTAL
10
100
Sex
Male
8
80
Female
2
20
TOTAL
10
100
Occupation
Farmer
7
70
Teacher
1
10
Housewife
2
20
TOTAL
10
100
Religious denomination
Roman Catholic
8
80
Born Again
2
20
TOTAL
10
100
Number of Years of Stay in the area.
10 – 15 years
2
20
16 – 20 years
3
30
21 years and above
5
50
TOTAL
10
100
Munchana. This is similar to eulogy. The munchana is done by anybody who is
present during the wake. The message conveyed during this ritual are usually those positive
things that the one doing the munchana has experienced with the dead person.
Hidit. This is the interaction of the widow or widower to the relatives of the dead
during the wake. Otherwise, they can only associate after the burial.
Hulili. The wearing of the wooden bracelet (alalahi) for the widow or widower.
The person wearing this signifies that his or her partner was already dead. Also, it is the
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
preparation of the drinking water for the widow or widower for the whole term of the wake
and burial.
Utung. A prayer of the mumbakis to Maknongan (God) for the acceptance of the
soul of the dead. A prayer of blessing and guidance for the relatives and friends of the dead.
Bardad. The separation of the widow or widower from the dead and where the
widow/widower will be staying to another widow or widower’s house.
During the burial. There are also rituals done only during the burial as stated and
defined by Jose Ambaliwon and Peter Mondiguing:
Gamun. A prayer to Maknongan (God) to bless all the people who attended the
burial to be not harmed.
Indamuh. Separations of the widow or widower to the people while carrying the
dead to its grave and will only meet after the burial.
After the burial. There are also rituals performed only after the burials as discussed
below.
Ngilin. Considered as a holiday for the bereaved family. It is the cleaning time of
the house for the family because they are not allowed to clean during the wake and burial.
This is a day too that the family is not allowed to go to work or in any feasts.
Lawit. After the burial, this is the time to know the prosperity of the family for the
coming days and years but it will depend on the butchering of chicken by the mumbakis.
After a year, a ritual is also conducted called the Binong-ar or Binogwah (bone
cleansing). This bone funeral is the bringing out of the bones of the dead for cleaning.
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The Processes and Participants Involved
during Burials
Table 3 shows the processes, materials and participants involved during burials
Before the burial. The following are the processes before the burial:
Inyappuy. This is an opening for the funeral and wake while the other members of
the family and the community gather the animals to be butchered and prepare the body of
the dead for the funeral. The mumbakis pray to Maknongan (God) to bless the food so that
it will be enough for everyone and no attendee will go hungry in the course of the wake.
As for the Kalingas people, they also practice this ritual and termed it as the pakoy
(death announcement). As stated by Leprozo (2009), this is where the relatives and kin of
the dead will prepare the things needed for the funeral.
Allageh. This is done before the body is already in a coffin or seated on a wooden
seat designed for the dead hangcher. It is also a sign or a way of informing the neighboring
sitios that the wake will now start. Allageh is done in the late afternoon. One of the
respondents, Emilia Cunapa said “pato ken manok lang ti partien da ta adda sidaen da nga
pangrabii” only ducks and chickens are to be butchered for dinner.
The mumbakis will shout calling the spirit of the dead back to his/her house saying
that the house is dirty. Animals are butchered while the ritual is being performed.
Munchana. This can be done anytime during the wake. The person will talk in front
of the coffin about their positive experiences when the dead was still alive. Also, they can
talk while they are still on the way going to the funeral area.
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Table 3. Process and participants involved before the burial
STEPS
PEOPLE
VENUE
PROCESS
MATERIALS
SYMBOLISM
USED
Inyappuy
Mumbakis, family,
House of the dead
Preparation of the family for the wake and
Chickens, ducks,
NONE
relatives
blessing of the food by the mumbakis
pigs
Mumbakis
Allageh
Mubakis
House of the dead
Butchering of ducks and chickens for dinner
Chickens, ducks
NONE
and shouting calling the spirit of the dead to
go home
Munchana
Family, relatives,
House of the dead
Telling stories in front of the dead
NONE
Widow, widower,
friends, and anyone
conveying positive experiences they had in
parents
present in the wake
the past
Hidit
Family and relatives of
House of the dead
Ungut (see Figure
Peace
the dead
Wine or any alternative poured in an ungut
6, Appendix B)
for the two parties to drink
Hulili
Mourner,
House of the dead
Alalahi
Mourning
widow/widower
Mumbaki ties the alalahi to the wrist of the
mourner, widow/widower. also mumbakis
bless a water for the mourner to drink
Utung
Mumbakis
House of the dead
Pigs, chicken
Offering
Mumbakis prays for the blessing for all the
people and butchering an animal as an
offering to Maknongan (God)
Bardad
Widow/widower
House of the dead
NONE
NONE
The widow/widower was separated and
brought to another widow/widower’s house
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Similar to this practice is the Bayya-o of Bauko which is in form of singing as
written by Labfayong (2005) in his “Stories About Our Igorot Cultures”. The person
usually doing the Bayya-o relates some stories how the person was he/she was alive - the
way they knew him/her. A person performing the bayya-o starts singing a story about the
dead person, and after some stanzas, all those gathered make a chorus with him at a certain
part of the song
Hidit. This is done so that the widow or widower can interact with the relatives of
the dead while the wake is ongoing. Otherwise, they are only allowed to interact with each
other after the burial. It is because the old folks believe that something untoward will
happen to either both parties without the Hidit.
Rice wine or any alternative from each segment of the family is poured in an ungut
(see Appendix B) and the two parties will drink. The drinking of wine by the entire family
symbolizes peace between the relatives of the dead and the widow/widower. If single, the
parents of the dead person will drink the wine.
Hulili. In this ritual, a string made out of a bark of a tree is prepared to be placed as
a bracelet for the mourner. This is called the alalahi (wood string). This is worn throughout
the duration of the wake.
Also, water which was already blessed by a mumbaki is prepared for the
widow/widower or mourner to drink so that he/she will not to feel hungry while the wake
is ongoing. This is also drunk by the mourners so that they will be safe from physical
ailments due to hunger. However, the widow/widower should eat and drink with no one
seeing her/him. Some cover the widow/widower with a black cloth covering his/her head
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or he/she will eat and drink in a private area where no one can see them. After drinking,
mumbakis will tie the alalahi, like bracelets to the widow/widower or mourner.
Utung. This prayer is offered before animals are butchered for the wake. The
mumbakis will pray to Maknongan to accept the soul of the dead and to bless his/her
relatives and friends.
For the Bauko people in Mt. Province, this is called the “Atang”, as said by
Labfayong (2005). This is a symbolic plate or basket of food for the spirits of their
ancestors. Before food is being served to all the mourners and guests, an "Atang" is set
aside in a corner for the spirits. Also every time a new bottle of Gin, a jar of new rice wine
has to be opened for the community to be drunk, the first drops or a glass of wine has to be
offered to the spirits. They do this symbolically by saying their prayers to them. At the
same time they drop some milliliter of Gin on the ground and say some prayers like: "To
you spirits who have gathered here... this is the Gin for you, let us drink and make sure that
we all get drunk in peace!!!"... The said prayer is addressed to all spirits. Also, they set
aside a glass of wine for the unseen spiritd, especially when it comes from a newly opened
jar of rice wine.
Bardad. The widow or widower will be transported to stay in another widow or
widower’s house on the third or fifth day of the wake. She or he will go back home the day
after the burial. This is to show to the spirit of the dead that he or she is already separated
and has no right over the widow or widower.
During the burial. Table 4 shows the processes during the burial as stated and
defined by Jose Ambaliwon and Peter Mondiguing:
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Gamun. This is a prayer prayed by the mumbakis to Maknongan (God) that He will
bless those people that attended the burial and they will not be harmed. Butchering of
animals is required.
Indamuh. The widow/widower will be separated when people are carrying the dead
to its grave and they will meet when the burial is done. Food is prepared and is placed in
an open area for the spirits of the people who died earlier to feast. This is to make peace
to the spirits around the area that died earlier.
After the burial. Table 5 shows the processes involved after the burial.
Ngilin. The day after the burial and it’s a day of cleaning up the surroundings and
the house because they are not allowed to clean throughout the duration of the wake. This
is also the day for the lawit where everybody will stay home the whole day. Family of the
dead are not allowed to go to work or do their usual routines to show that they mourn for
he dead. this corroborates the study of Piluden-Omengan (2004) that rituals were also
practiced by the Sagada people where the bereaved parents stay home for a week-long,
Ngilin (mourning). On the eighth day, a chicken is butchered to end the mourning period,
a signal for the parents to return to work on their farms and move on with their lives.
In Bauko, Mt. Province, they practice this as the "Tengaw". This is a period of time,
a day, a week or several weeks when you should stay at home and should not perform your
usual activities like going to the fields. That means: during "Tengaw" these persons should
not go out or attend their fields Labfayong (2005)
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Table 4. Processes followed during the burial
RITUAL
PARTICIPANTS
PROCEDURES
MATERIALS
SYMBOLISM
INVOLVED
USED
Gamun
Mumbakis
Mumbakis praying to Maknongan to bless the
Pigs, chickens
Offering
people attending the burial not to be harmed
and a food prepared for the spirits
Indamuh
Widow/widower
Widow/widower are separated when the
NONE
NONE
people are carrying the dead to its grave.
Table 5. Processes after the burial
RITUAL
PARTICIPANTS
PROCEDURES
MATERIALS
SYMBOLISM
INVOLVED
USED
Ngilin
Family of the dead
Cleaning up the surroundings of the house and NONE
NONE
they are not allowed to go to work or do their
usual routines.
Lawit
Family of the dead
Family and relatives of the dead gathers and
Chicken
Prosperity
call for a mumbakis for the butchering of a
chicken to know if they will prosper for the
coming days and years
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Lawit. This is the day after the burial. Children and relatives who contributed
animals during the wake will stay home and call for a mumbaki to butcher a chicken to see
the bile if they will prosper or not for the coming days and years. The mumbakis will
determine this by the position and appearance of the bile of the chicken being butchered.
The people of Bauko, Mt. Province called this as the “Sumang”. Labfayong (2005)
also said that this is like a gall bladder reading or they termed it as the “Ipedisan”. A nice
and full protruding gall bladder between the liver is a good omen. While the opposite signs
or a bad omen is "a gall bladder, that is almost empty and hardly be seen between the liver".
When the sign is of bad omen, the Elder advises them to butcher another male animal, what
can be a pig or just a rooster. The significance of a male pig or a rooster is that "a male
animal brings the bad omen away".
As for the Kalinga people, according to Leprozo (2009), seven to nine days after
the burial, songot, or the practice of putting glutinous cakes on the tomb of the dead, is
observed in to ensure the dead spirit does not return home and cause sickness to family
members.
After a year, a bone funeral was held and was called the Binong-ar or the Binogwah.
This is a bone cleansing practice of the Ifugao people where the bones of the dead are
brought out for cleaning. The rituals for the burial are the same as the rituals performed on
the burials except for the chanah or the eulogy. This practice is not just done in anytime.
According to the key informants, this will only be held if the haunting is one year
or more; it will depend in the butchering of a chicken. Mumbakis will be the one to butcher
and check the gall bladder of the chicken. If the chicken’s bladder is not good, this indicates
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that the dead doesn’t want that its bones will be brought out. If so, they will clean the grave
and do the utung.
If the bladder is good, they will dig out the bones of the dead, they will clean the
bones and the grave. The bones will be brought to the house of the dead and the mumbakis
will perform the utung. The bones will be covered by chili (see Figure 3, Appendix B) for
the highest class, bayyaong (see Figure 4, Appendix B) for the middle class and hape (see
Figure 5, Appendix B) for the lowest classes. The bones will be buried near or under the
house or on the same grave. The chili is dull in color and plainly woven. It is woven
separately and it’s warped in black and white color with black as the dominant color. The
design made on both ends symbolizes the first class, having many rice fields inherited from
their parents.
The maker of the chili must belong to the first or middle class because according to
their belief, the lowest class does not have the right to do so. The price is more than two
times of the Bayyaong. The bayyaong has three colors with red as the dominant color.
White as the background for the black for the design to be visible. These color combination
symbolizes the middle class, having a rice field and can afford to buy this cloth having a
price higher than the Hape. The hape is for the lowest class. The colors black and white
symbolizes that the class has no rice field. The price is very cheap that can be affordable
for the lowest class. It has no other designs.
One of the key informant, Jose Yucaddi Ambaliwon stated that “mabalin ladta nga
iruwar da nu pinagtulagan iti pamilya na or jay kabagyan da ngem depende ladta ijay
apru iti manok nga partien iti mumbaki ” (this will also be applicable when the relatives of
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the dead will deal for it but it will still depend on the gall bladder of the chicken being
butchered by the mumbakis).
The days of a funeral depends on the social status of the dead. Three days for the
lowest class, five days for the middle class, and five to ten days for the highest class.
Others build a small native house near the house or just beside the house for the
bones to be kept.
This is also done before the widow or widower is allowed to marry. The bone-
cleansing funeral will serve as a final farewell. It is also done in this case to ask the spirit
of the dead not to disturb the widow/widower.
According to the key informants, these rituals should be followed accordingly and
with the proper persons performing it. Re-enacting these rituals are strictly prohibited as
said by the five key informants, because they believe that spirits are very active during
these rituals and it is sacred. Even prayers are not allowed to be written.
Also, they strongly advised that re-enacting these rituals requires a butchering of
animals as an offering to Maknongan (God) for protection and blessings.
Messages Communicated and How it is Communicated
during Burials
During wakes and burials, people attending the funeral talk about the life of the
dead and how good he/she was when he/she was still alive. Some were talking to anyone
near them or to anyone who is available as stated by Emilia Cunapa, one of the respondents.
Others talk about how he /she died and what was the cause of death. Also they talk only
about how the dead person went through problems bravely and how the person helped
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his/her friends in the past. Most of the people telling stories were the closest friends of the
dead, their heroic experiences in the past.
Other family respondents said that they inform others by sending someone to let
the relatives of the dead know the details of the wake and burial.
Changes in the Communication Practices
Table 6 shows the changes in the communication practices.
All of them enumerated changes in the communication process such as they offer
religious songs. This is because of the influence of Christianity in the area.
As one of the respondent, Emilia Cunapa said that “idi ket pagtutung tungan da
lang ket jay panggep iti biyag jay natay, dagijay mayat nga napaspassamak ken dagijay
inar-aramid da. Ngem tadta ket nakikristyanuan tayun, addan jay agkakantan iti
nakristyanuan nga kakanta para iti natay” (in the past, they only talk about the how he
lived, the good deeds and experiences of the dead. Now, that we are influenced by
Christianity, there are singing of religious songs for the dead).
Also, all of them said that in terms of informing other people, they now use cellular
phones through text or call instead of a telegram.
Despite the change, they still emphasized that personal invitations or face to face
communication is still used.
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Table 6. Changes in the Communication Process
BEFORE
AFTER
People attending the wake only tell Nowadays, during wakes of a dead, they
stories about the dead.
offers songs specially religious songs
Telegrams and letters were used to They use cellphones through texting,
inform their relatives in distant areas. some use landline telephones
Others send someone to inform their
relatives.
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
The study was conducted to document the communication practices of the Gohang
people in Banaue Ifugao on Burials. Specifically, it aimed to specify the rituals on burials;
identify the processes involved during wakes and burials in terms of materials used and its
symbols; identify the messages being communicated by the participants and how these
messages were communicated during the process of wakes and burials. Ten families
served as the respondents and five mumbakis served as the key informants of the study to
validate the data gathered from the other respondents.
The researcher used guide questionnaire as instrument. The study was conducted
from December 2011 to February 2012.
It also aimed to determine the changes in the communication process. Aside from
interviews, photos were also taken of the different types of materials used.
The study revealed that the mumbakis are the only people who can perform the
prayers during the rituals. During the bone cleansing or the Binogwah, bringing out the
bones depends on the bladders of the chicken being butchered by the mumbakis. These
rituals are still strongly followed in the place of study even though the influence of
Christianity is strongly felt.
Conclusion
The following conclusions were drawn from the study:
1. The rituals are performed because the people still strongly believe that their
traditional god, Maknongan, and other traditional deities, including the anitos, or the spirit
of their ancestors affect their everyday lives.
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
2. Materials used during rituals depend on the status of the dead person.
3. Messages communicated during wakes focuses mainly on the life of the dead
person.
4. There were noted changes as to how things are being communicated in the area
with regard to burials; however, what they seem is important and effective ways were
retained.
Recommendations
The study recommends the following:
1. A more in-depth study on the rituals should be carried out to validate the
conclusions derived from the results of the study
2. An actual recording and documentation should be done specially on the prayers
being done by the mumbakis and be translated for the people who do not have knowledge
about wakes and burials of the Ifugao people.
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LITERATURE CITED
ASIAPACIFICUNIVERSE.COM. 2011. Indigenous Religious Beliefs and Cosmology of
the
Filipino.
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October
18,
2011
from
http://asiapacificuniverse.com/pkm/spirit.htm
BRANDON. S. 2011. Death Rite. Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved October 17, 2011
from http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/154596/death-rite
DULAWAN. M. 1991. Ifugao Culture and History. Quezon City: Philippines
EED PHILIPPINE PARTNERS’ TASK FORCE FOR INDIGENOUS PEOPLE’S
RIGHTS. 2009. Promoting Indigenous Knowledge for Food Security: A
Sourcebook
LABFAYONG, A. P. 2005. Stories About Our Igorot Culture. Paper presented in the 3rd
Igorot Cordillera BIMAAK Consultation (ICBE Consultation) in Aeschi,
Switzerland, 5-8 May 2005. Retrieved on October 18, 2011 from
http://icbe.eu/index-Dateien/Page1071.htm
LEPROZO, D. Jr. 2009. Death and Burial Rituals in the Cordilleras. Retrieved October 17,
2011
from
http://visayan.dk/filer/toledo-cebu/Death-Burial-Rituals-
Cordilleras.pdf
MALANES, M. 2010. Death: Very Much Part of Daily Life. Philippine Daily Inquirer.
Retrieved October 18, 2011 from www.newsinfo.inquirer.net
MANANSALA, Paul Kekai. n.d. Indigenous Religious Beliefs and Cosmology of the
Filipino. Retrieved October 18, 2011 from www.asiapacificuniverse.com
MICROSOFT ENCARTA ENCYCLOPEDIA. 2009. Funeral Rites and Customs
ORIBELLO, G. 2009. Honoring the Dead. Retrieved on January 21, 2012 from
www.experiencefestival.com
PILUDEN-OMENGAN, D. E. 2004. Death and Beyond: Death and Burial Rituals and
Other Practices and Beliefs of the Igorots of Sagada, Mountain Province,
Philippines. Quezon City, Philippines: Giraffe Books
ROVILLOS, R. 1999. INDIGENOUS PEOPLES: The Key to Biodiversity. Indigenous
Perspectives. Vol II, No.1. Baguio City: Tebtebba Foundation, Inc.
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STANYUKOVICH, M. V. 1998. Paths of the Soul among the Ifugaos, the Philippines. In
Conference Book, International Conference “Concepts of Humans and Behavior
Patterns in the Cultures of the East and West: Interdisciplinary Approaches.”
Moscow: Moscow State Russian University for Humanities
Publications
STANYUKOVICH, M. V. 2002. Epic Singers and Shamans, the Philippines and Central
Asia. Keynote speech at the Workshop on Heritage and Preservation in Southeast
Asia, April 18-19, 2002. Manoa: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, University of
Hawai’i
THE FREE DICTIONARY. 2012. Burial. Retrieved January 21, 2012 from
www.thefreedictionary.com
UNITED NATIONS. 1995. UN Principles and Guidelines for the Protection of the
Heritage of Indigenous Peoples
VILLAREAL, M. 2004. Ifugao: Continuing the 2,000-year Old Tradition. Retrieved
January 22, 2012 from www.thingsasian.com
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012. Documentation of Rituals of the
Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials. Benguet State University, La Trinidad,
Benguet.
Adviser: Filmore Y. Awas, MDC
ABSTRACT
The study was conducted to identify the socio-demographic profile of the
respondents; specify the rituals during burials; identify the processes involved during
burials in terms of materials used and its symbols; identify the processes involved during
burials in terms of materials used and its symbols, participants involved, the messages
communicated by the participants, and how these messages are communicated during
burials; and identify the changes in the communication practices.
The study was conducted in Gohang, Banaue, Ifugao, one of the nineteen barangays
of Banaue. Ten families served as the respondents and five mumbakis served as the key
informants of the study to validate the data gathered from the other respondents. Aside
from interviews, photos were also taken of different types of materials used during the
rituals. These data were tabulated, categorized and consolidated using narrative
description.
Before the burial, a number of rituals were being practiced such as the inyappuy,
allageh, munchana, hidit hulili, utung, and bardad. These rituals are to Maknongan (God)
for the acceptance of the soul of the dead. During the burial, the gamun and indamuh were
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performed for blessing and separation of the widow/widower from the dead. After the
burial, these ngilin and lawit were performed for the ending of mourning and for the
prosperity of the animals.
After a year, the Binog-ar or the Binogwah were practiced for the bone cleansing
of the dead where the bones are brought out for cleaning. The burial practices were still
performed except for the chana. This bone funeral will depend on the butchering of chicken
by the mumbakis. Also, this is a final farewell for the widow/widower before he/she will
get married again.
These practices were still practiced because people in the area still strongly believe
on their traditional god, Maknongan, including anitos and spirits of their ancestors.
Materials used during these rituals depends on the status of the dead and mumbakis are the
only persons who can perform the rituals specially the prayers for the rituals.
It is recommended that an in-depth study on the wakes and burials associated to the
Gohang People of Banaue be conducted to validate the results of this study. It is further
recommended that the messages conveyed during the rituals done in relation to burials be
recorded and translated for the people who have no knowledge on the Ifugao
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
INTRODUCTION
Rationale
Indigenous peoples the world-over have been highly susceptible to the loss of their
cultural heritage as distinct peoples. Numerous threats, both external and internal have
contributed much to the erosion of their knowledge, systems and practices. External factors
include the aggressive cultural assimilation policies usually adopted by states and its
institutions in the name of development and globalization.
For example, according to Rovillos (1999), in some instances, the entry of tourism
in the territories of indigenous peoples may have brought several opportunities to the
people; however, the same tourist-related activities have resulted to the commercialization
of culture, conflicts within communities, and disruption of the indigenous peoples’ lives.
In consequence, many indigenous rituals and indigenous art have been treated as mere
commodities devoid of their sacred meanings as identified by indigenous peoples.
Internally, changes in the values of indigenous peoples themselves combine with
external factors to increase the observed rapid deterioration of indigenous culture. These
are observed especially in the urbanized territories of indigenous peoples, including town
centers in the rural areas.
Changing values brought on by modernization shun indigenous knowledge,
especially among the young who are no longer interested to learn from their elders. Some
elders, themselves are reluctant to pass their knowledge, preferring that the youth seek a
formal education and a degree to be able to find work to support their families.
Outmigration due to poverty in rural areas and rapid urbanization in cities endanger the
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continued practice and transmission of indigenous knowledge. Lack of land security,
material poverty and denial of basic services in the countryside encourage migration to
cities (EED-TFIP, 2009).
On the other hand, there is also the observance of the persistence of indigenous
knowledge, systems and practices in indigenous communities, albeit in varying degrees.
Observance of traditional rituals and celebrations are still quite common among
communities found in the rural areas. These practices have been the outlet of indigenous
communities to assert their collective and distinct identity as a people. These play an
important role in their survival as a distinct sector in the society.
It is therefore important to document the indigenous knowledge, systems and
practices that have survived the onslaught of years of colonization and modern pressures
before they are completely obliterated, especially the communication processes in these
practices. Also, the survival of the indigenous peoples impacts the survival of the society
in general as it was explicitly stated in the UN Principles and Guidelines for Protection of
the Heritage of Indigenous Peoples that the effective protection of the heritage of the
indigenous peoples of the world benefits all humanity.
In the Philippines, the municipality of Banaue, Ifugao is one of the top tourist
destinations. It boasts of the Ifugao rice terraces situated in the Sitios of Batad and Bangaan
which were tagged as the Eighth Wonder of the World and were declared by the UNESCO
as a World Heritage Site. In this community, one can perceive the two trends happening to
indigenous culture – its persistence alongside its deterioration.
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As with all other indigenous communities, traditional rituals and celebrations are
still highly observed by the Banaue peoples. One example of this is the rigid performance
of traditional practices associated to funerals.
Funerals include all observances connected with death and burial. Such
observances are a distinctive human characteristic. Not only are they deeply associated
with religious beliefs about the nature of death and the existence of an afterlife, but they
also have important psychological, sociological, and symbolic functions for the survivors.
Thus, the study of the ways in which the dead are treated in different cultures leads to a
better understanding of the many diverse views about death and dying, as well as of human
nature. Funerary rites and customs are concerned not only with the preparation and disposal
of the body, but also with the well-being of the survivors and with the persistence of the
spirit or memory of the deceased (Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia, 2009).
In Banaue, observing funerals, particularly wakes where people “watch over the
dead body” (thefreedictionary, 2012) and burials or “the entombment of a corpse”
(Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia, 2009), one can draw the conclusion that these are still
practiced alongside the persistence of indigenous patterns of social stratification. Rituals
done during these observances differ, not only according to the social status of the dead
but also according to the nature of the death. Moreover, communication practices also
differ in the performance of these rituals, according to some elders in the area.
Documenting communication practices during funerals and burials will generate a
portrait of their idea of the afterlife through the understanding of the meanings attached to
the materials and communication patterns used during these practices.
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Statement of the Problem
The study intended to answer the following questions:
1. What is the socio-demographic profile of the respondents?
2. What are the rituals performed during burials?
3. What are the processes involved during burials in terms of the
following:
a. Materials used its symbols
b. Participants involved
c. What are the messages communicated by the participants?
d. How are these messages communicated during wakes and burials?
4. What are the changes in the communication practices?
Objectives of the Study
The study documented the communication practices of the Gohang people in
Banaue, Ifugao during wakes and burials. Specifically, it was able to:
1. identify socio-demographic profile of the respondents;
2. specify the rituals in during burials;
3. identify the processes involved during burials in terms of the following:
a. Materials used and its symbols
b. Participants involved
c. identify the messages communicated by the participants;
d. how these messages are being communicated during burials; and
4. identify the changes in the communication practices.
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Importance of the Study
Through this study, the people may gain knowledge on what the Ifugao people are
practicing during funerals and burials. They may also understand why these practices are
being done.
The study may be a great help to the people that are not familiar with the culture of
the Ifugaos; for them to understand the significance of these practices especially to the
family of the dead.
Furthermore, this could be a good source material for the next researchers who want
to study more about the cultures of the Ifugao people.
Scope and Limitation of the Study
The study was a simple documentation of rituals performed by the Gohang people
during burials. It focused on the indigenous practices being observed by the respondents
during the whole term of a funeral. It included the socio-demographic profile of the
respondents. Particularly, the study centered on the processes followed by the respondents
during burials as well as the changes in these practices and the problems which are related
to the said practices faced by the respondents.
This study did not include the rituals concerning the intentional death. Intentional
death are for the murdered, suicide, and died in an accident wherein there is someone being
blamed for its cause. Suicide was included on the intentional death because it is caused by
self-pity, depression, and failures in life where no one is to be blamed but itself.
It was conducted from December 2011 to January 2012 at Barangay Gohang,
Banaue, Ifugao.
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REVIEW OF LITERATURE
History has it that in all the cultures of the world, the dead is given accorded
significance. This is evident in the scores of scholarly writings about ritualistic rites and
practices associated to death.
These practices were originally motivated not by hygienic considerations but by
ideas entertained by primitive peoples concerning human nature and destiny. This
conclusion is clearly evident from the fact that the disposal of the dead from the earliest
times was of a ritual kind… The ritual burial of the dead, which is thus attested from the
very dawn of human culture and which has been practiced in most parts of the world, stems
from an instinctive inability or refusal on the part of man to accept death as the definitive
end of human life. Despite the horrifying evidence of the physical decomposition caused
by death, the belief has persisted that something of the individual person survives the
experience of dying…The belief that human beings survive death in some form has
profoundly influenced the thoughts, emotions, and actions of mankind. The belief occurs
in all religions, past and present, and decisively conditions their evaluations of man and his
place in the universe. Mortuary rituals and funerary customs reflect these evaluations; they
represent also the practical measures taken to assist the dead to achieve their destiny and
sometimes to save the living from the dreaded molestation of those whom death had
transformed into a different state of being (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2009).
Indigenous Funeral Rituals: A Marriage
Of Christian and Pagan Notions of the after life
In the Philippines, belief in the afterlife permeates all culture, even in the pre-
colonial era. Generally, it was believed the good went to heaven, or its Philippine
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equivalent, while the evil went to hell. The very widespread belief that heaven and hell
were divided into different levels was also found in the Philippines. Which region one goes
to depends on different factors. Among the Bagobo, for example, those who die accidental
deaths all go to a particular heaven, or hell. Usually, whether one goes to heaven or hell,
the individual is able to work up to higher levels and is not condemned for eternity to stay
in one place. Merit or self-improvement is the usual way of rising to the next level, although
in some cases something like purgatory exists (asiapacificuniverse, 2011).
The introduction of Christianity in the Philippines has resulted to a marriage
between Christian notions of life and death and the indigenous or traditional beliefs
associated to death, especially in the rural areas.
Among the Igorots of the Cordilleras in Northern Philippines, practices associated
to death are expressions of their religious views deeply rooted in their culture as indigenous
peoples. Although strong Christian influences have pervaded their culture, the rituals
practiced during funerals and burials still resonate with an air of animism and ancestor
worship. Leprozo (2009) asserted that the death of a family or clan member is accompanied
by traditional death and burial practices that have survived the strong influence of
Christianity introduced by the Spanish colonizers, with the various tribes incorporating
pagan and Christian traditions.
Areas of Commonality in Death and Burial Practices
Leprozo (2009) further explains that death and burial practices follow a general rule
but differ in accordance with their native vernacular.
Labfayong (2005) listed three areas of commonality:
Funerals are venues for families to be gathered again. Among us Igorots,
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the event of death is a very special occasion which is of value and has to be observed. As
much as possible even now in the times of diaspora, all the close relatives have to be
gathered and are expected to be around when someone in the family had died. Children,
siblings, spouses and parents should not be missing in the list of important relatives to be
present in times when someone died.
Animal offerings. There are animals to be offered/butchered as there are tremendous
numbers of people expected to be around during the time of vigil and wake. Not only the
direct relatives and friends, almost the whole community is welcomed to join the bereaved
family during their process of working out their last respect to the dead. People come for
the wake and also for the burial and they have to be hosted and be fed as well. This explains,
why we butcher numerous animals.
The numbers and the variety of pigs or chicken have to be proper, especially on the
day of the burial.
Funeral Rituals as Indicator of Social Status
It is also observed in all provinces of the Cordillera region that there are separate
funeral and burial rites practiced during the death of a person belonging to a wealthy clan
and of that belonging to the lower economic class. Also, rituals done usually depend on
how a person died. The elders, since they are the carriers of tradition usually head these
rituals.
According to Piluden-Omengan (2004), the Kankana-eys of Sagada, Mountain
Province have instituted burial and mourning rites for people who died a natural death and
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those who died as a result of an accident, murder or suicide. The wake during the latter is
usually brief and uneventful.
In Kalinga, the people usually follow these general but not rigid steps for those who
have died a natural death, like old age:
The pakoy (death announcement) is done to announce that somebody has died in the
community. It calls for the gathering of the clan to discuss things to be done during the wake.
Close kin and neighbors are informed. It also signals people to will reset whatever celebration
they had planned earlier to show sympathy and respect for the grieving family. It manifests the
value of concern toward the bereaved family. The pakoy prods people to gather to build the
bawi (shelter for visitors), helping build a community spirit of cooperation and assistance. A
number of carabaos and pigs are slaughtered, and are offered to Kabunyan, the supreme deity,
and to dead ancestors. Coffins are made of quality mature pine or mahogany, without any
metal or nails holding it together (Leprozo, 2009).
Dulawan (1991) in Ifugao Culture and History describes the difference between the
rituals done for a kadangyan (wealthy) who died and for a nawotwot (poor):
For the Kadangyan, the corpse, dressed in full regalia as befits a
kadangyan, is made to sit in the haludag, a seat made by criss-crossing betel nut trunks
across two posts planted right under the house. The corpse is tied to this seat with g-strings.
A woman sits by the corpse to swat the flies away (munwahiwa). For three days the gongs
are sounded. (It is understood that the deceased has performed the uyauy which entitles
him to the use of the gongs at his death). At night the hudhud (epics) are sung by men and
women. If the dead is not very old, loud crying is the custom. The married children of the
deceased share expenses of the burial in proportion to their inheritance. They have to deck
the dead with the proper garments (gamgamanda) and provide the customary sacrificial
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offerings of animals (dangli). The eldest child who is supposed to have inherited the most
and the best of the family property is expected to spend the most. He usually takes care of
the expenses of the third day (katlu) because it is on this day that the greatest number of
people are present since it is the burial day. It is also a common practice to have the corpse
brought from one married child’s house to another for a day instead of letting it remain in
the same place. A corpse is usually kept for at least three days. In older times, a wealthy
man was sometimes kept for as long as ten days. During the wake, meat and drinks are
served to those who come to keep vigil.
The procedure is the same as that of the nawotwot except the gongs are not sounded
and the animals butchered are the small ones. Also, a nawotwot is not allowed to sit in the
haludag except if he/she has contributed much to the development or improvement of the
community.
Communication Practices in Funeral Rituals
Communication practices of the Igorots during funerals are usually in the form of
oral tradition passed from one generation to another. Although there are commonalities
among the different ethnolinguistic groups comprising the Igorots when it comes to these
practices, there are distinct traditions which are identifiable to each group (Brandon 2011).
Oribello (2009) stated that in the province of Kalinga, the death of a loved one is
known in the village through "pakoy" or "bogga" -- a long loud shout announcing the death
of a person. He further explained that the practice of "alba-ab" -- a cry in a native tune
where relatives of the dead express their sadness for the loss of their loved one is only
identifiable to the sub-etholinguistic group, Banao in Balbalan, Kalinga.
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Piluden-Omengan (2004) as cited by Malanes (2010) explained that in the northern
villages of Sagada, Mountain province, at the event that a baby dies during the night, family
and community members watch the corpse until the next morning where the burial takes
place as soon as the sun rises. During the burial, a hen is butchered and an old man prays:
“You are gone. We pray that your destination is good and we, whom you left behind, will
stay healthy.”
Furthermore, he described that after the burial of a murder victim, a cleansing ritual,
the daw-es is done to cleanse all grief and pain where an elder from the community prays
to ward off the misfortune that had befallen the family of the dead and that the community
be allowed to live in peace. For the Village of Banga-an in northern Sagada, however,
before the daw-es is done, usually just before the burial, the corpse is paraded in the public
market where a dog is butchered while an old man calls to the spirit of the victim to take
revenge on whoever has destroyed him/her. In addition, the old man speaks to the elements
of the wild to shed light on whoever did the gruesome act.
Also, in the funeral and burial practices of the Igorots, oral texts are present in the
form of mourning songs, speeches and chants. Stanyukovich (2002) recorded that there are
three forms of the hudhud oral tradition among the Ifugaos, two of which is associated to
death rites. One of these is the hudhud di nate (funeral song/song of the dead) which is a
shamanistic song performed in the same manner as the most common hudhud (pure heroic
epic), pushing the soul toward the abode of the dead, practiced by the Ifugaos of Kiangan.
Before it reaches the underworld, the souls of one or two relatives who participate in the
chant are sent to catch up with it. They are endowed with qawil—gifts of the souls of rice,
pigs, and chickens (the underworld being the source of fertility)—by the deceased. The
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moment when they meet is marked by the possession. The chant uses the epic melody and
formulaic language, the deceased being named by the appropriate epic hero’s name
(Stanyukovich, 1998). The other one is that of non-epic funeral chants spread in the areas
of Ifugao which does not normally practice the hudhud tradition.
Operational Definition of Terms
Mumbaki. The person performing the rituals of the burial.
Natural Death. A death due to health failure or incurable diseases, old age and
cardiac arrest and where no one is to be blamed.
Hangcher. A chair made out of wood designed only for the murdered.
Ungut. Wooden shallow bowl used in getting wines in the jars and only for rituals.
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METHODOLOGY
Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted in Gohang, one of the nineteen barangays of Banaue
(Figure 1), a fourth class municipality with a population of 21,477 scattered in 4,091
households, having a total land area of 191.20 square kilometers (73.8 square miles),
located in the province of Ifugao where traditional practices are still observed during
funerals.
Barangay Gohang is situated at the western part of the municipality. It is bordered
on the north by Barangay Viewpoint, on the west by Barangay San Fernando, on the south
by Barangay Uhaj and on the west by Barangay Poblacion, the town center (Figure 2).
Banaue can be reached by jeepney, bus or private car form Baguio City, or can be
reached from Manila via Cabanatuan City. Manila to Banaue is approximately 348
kilometers while Baguio to Banaue is approximately 333 kilometers. It takes only 10
minutes by jeepney to reach Barangay Gohang from the town center.
According to the 2007 National Census, out of the total population of Banaue, only
716 reside at Barangay Gohang. Majority of the residents belong to the Tuwali sub-
ethnolinguistic group with a few belonging to the other Ifugao sub-ethnolinguistic groups
(Ayangan and Kalanguya). Also, a small percentage of its population are non-Ifugaos or
are migrants from the other provinces of the Cordillera or are from other regions of the
Philippines.
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Figure 1. The map of Ifugao showing the locale of the study
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Figure 2. The map of Banaue showing the locale of the study
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Tuwali is the language commonly used by the residents of Banaue, including
Gohang but just like in other places in the Cordilleras, Ilocano is the lingua franca. The
study was conducted at Gohang in Banaue Ifugao because the researcher observed that
there are a lot of rituals done during burials.
The study was conducted from December 2011 to February 2012.
Respondents of the Study
There were ten (10) respondents of the study. They were chosen through purposive
sampling. The criterion in choosing them is they must be a bonafide resident of Barangay
Gohang in the municipality of Banaue and have been practicing indigenous knowledge
during burials.
Moreover, there were five (5) key informants who are Mumbakis’ of the study to
validate the data gathered from the other respondents. Table shows the profile of the five
(5) key informants.
Table 1. Profile of the key informants of the study
KEY INFORMANTS
AGE
NUMBER OF YEARS OF
PRACTICING THE
RITUALS
William Ognayon Tucdaan
75
46
Peter Mondiguing
70
50
Jose Yucaddi Ambaliwon
61
40
Antonio Ottengan
79
55
Tinong Mangunol
76
50
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Data Collection
Data for the study were gathered primarily through interview schedule with the key
informants and the respondents. The questions in the interview were translated to Highland
Ilocano, the lingua franca of the Cordilleras, to facilitate a better communication
atmosphere between the respondents and the researcher.
Data Gathered
The data gathered were the following: the socio-demographic profile of the
respondents; the rituals in burials; the rituals in wakes and burials; the processes involved
during wakes and burials in terms of the following: materials used and its symbols,
participants involved, the messages communicated by the participants, and how these
messages are communicated during wakes and burials; and the changes in the
communication practices.
Data Analysis
The data gathered were tabulated, categorized and consolidated using narrative
description.
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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Socio-demographic Profile of Respondents
Table 2 shows the characteristics of the ten (10) purposively chosen respondents
based on their age, sex, occupation and religious denomination.
Majority of the respondents were on the age bracket 22-30, there were more males
(8) than females (2) and most of them were farmers (7) and Roman Catholic (8).
The ten respondents had families buried the traditional way hence, they had
experienced being the mourners in a wake or burial. All of them have attended funerals
and participated in the rituals associated to it.
Rituals Performed during Burials
According to key informant, Peter Mondiguing, natural death is when a person dies
due to old age, disease or because of an accident wherein no one is to be blamed for its
cause of death. A number of rituals, before the burial should be followed. This is to ensure
that the spirit of the dead will successfully travel to that next plane and will not bother the
living descendants. As narrated by Jose Ambaliwon, the following were usually done
during wakes:
Before the burial.
Inyappuy. This is an opening for the funeral and wake. Time of preparation for the
family of the dead to prepare the animals to be butchered and the body for the funeral.
Allageh. This symbolizes the start of a wake. Before the body of the dead was
already seated on a death chair hangcher or was already in a coffin.
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Table 2. Socio-demographic profile of the respondents
CHARACTERISTICS
FREQUENCY
PERCENTAGE
N=20
(%)
Age
15 - 22 years old
1
10
22 - 30 years old
7
70
30 years old and above
2
20
TOTAL
10
100
Sex
Male
8
80
Female
2
20
TOTAL
10
100
Occupation
Farmer
7
70
Teacher
1
10
Housewife
2
20
TOTAL
10
100
Religious denomination
Roman Catholic
8
80
Born Again
2
20
TOTAL
10
100
Number of Years of Stay in the area.
10 – 15 years
2
20
16 – 20 years
3
30
21 years and above
5
50
TOTAL
10
100
Munchana. This is similar to eulogy. The munchana is done by anybody who is
present during the wake. The message conveyed during this ritual are usually those positive
things that the one doing the munchana has experienced with the dead person.
Hidit. This is the interaction of the widow or widower to the relatives of the dead
during the wake. Otherwise, they can only associate after the burial.
Hulili. The wearing of the wooden bracelet (alalahi) for the widow or widower.
The person wearing this signifies that his or her partner was already dead. Also, it is the
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preparation of the drinking water for the widow or widower for the whole term of the wake
and burial.
Utung. A prayer of the mumbakis to Maknongan (God) for the acceptance of the
soul of the dead. A prayer of blessing and guidance for the relatives and friends of the dead.
Bardad. The separation of the widow or widower from the dead and where the
widow/widower will be staying to another widow or widower’s house.
During the burial. There are also rituals done only during the burial as stated and
defined by Jose Ambaliwon and Peter Mondiguing:
Gamun. A prayer to Maknongan (God) to bless all the people who attended the
burial to be not harmed.
Indamuh. Separations of the widow or widower to the people while carrying the
dead to its grave and will only meet after the burial.
After the burial. There are also rituals performed only after the burials as discussed
below.
Ngilin. Considered as a holiday for the bereaved family. It is the cleaning time of
the house for the family because they are not allowed to clean during the wake and burial.
This is a day too that the family is not allowed to go to work or in any feasts.
Lawit. After the burial, this is the time to know the prosperity of the family for the
coming days and years but it will depend on the butchering of chicken by the mumbakis.
After a year, a ritual is also conducted called the Binong-ar or Binogwah (bone
cleansing). This bone funeral is the bringing out of the bones of the dead for cleaning.
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The Processes and Participants Involved
during Burials
Table 3 shows the processes, materials and participants involved during burials
Before the burial. The following are the processes before the burial:
Inyappuy. This is an opening for the funeral and wake while the other members of
the family and the community gather the animals to be butchered and prepare the body of
the dead for the funeral. The mumbakis pray to Maknongan (God) to bless the food so that
it will be enough for everyone and no attendee will go hungry in the course of the wake.
As for the Kalingas people, they also practice this ritual and termed it as the pakoy
(death announcement). As stated by Leprozo (2009), this is where the relatives and kin of
the dead will prepare the things needed for the funeral.
Allageh. This is done before the body is already in a coffin or seated on a wooden
seat designed for the dead hangcher. It is also a sign or a way of informing the neighboring
sitios that the wake will now start. Allageh is done in the late afternoon. One of the
respondents, Emilia Cunapa said “pato ken manok lang ti partien da ta adda sidaen da nga
pangrabii” only ducks and chickens are to be butchered for dinner.
The mumbakis will shout calling the spirit of the dead back to his/her house saying
that the house is dirty. Animals are butchered while the ritual is being performed.
Munchana. This can be done anytime during the wake. The person will talk in front
of the coffin about their positive experiences when the dead was still alive. Also, they can
talk while they are still on the way going to the funeral area.
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Table 3. Process and participants involved before the burial
STEPS
PEOPLE
VENUE
PROCESS
MATERIALS
SYMBOLISM
USED
Inyappuy
Mumbakis, family,
House of the dead
Preparation of the family for the wake and
Chickens, ducks,
NONE
relatives
blessing of the food by the mumbakis
pigs
Mumbakis
Allageh
Mubakis
House of the dead
Butchering of ducks and chickens for dinner
Chickens, ducks
NONE
and shouting calling the spirit of the dead to
go home
Munchana
Family, relatives,
House of the dead
Telling stories in front of the dead
NONE
Widow, widower,
friends, and anyone
conveying positive experiences they had in
parents
present in the wake
the past
Hidit
Family and relatives of
House of the dead
Ungut (see Figure
Peace
the dead
Wine or any alternative poured in an ungut
6, Appendix B)
for the two parties to drink
Hulili
Mourner,
House of the dead
Alalahi
Mourning
widow/widower
Mumbaki ties the alalahi to the wrist of the
mourner, widow/widower. also mumbakis
bless a water for the mourner to drink
Utung
Mumbakis
House of the dead
Pigs, chicken
Offering
Mumbakis prays for the blessing for all the
people and butchering an animal as an
offering to Maknongan (God)
Bardad
Widow/widower
House of the dead
NONE
NONE
The widow/widower was separated and
brought to another widow/widower’s house
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Similar to this practice is the Bayya-o of Bauko which is in form of singing as
written by Labfayong (2005) in his “Stories About Our Igorot Cultures”. The person
usually doing the Bayya-o relates some stories how the person was he/she was alive - the
way they knew him/her. A person performing the bayya-o starts singing a story about the
dead person, and after some stanzas, all those gathered make a chorus with him at a certain
part of the song
Hidit. This is done so that the widow or widower can interact with the relatives of
the dead while the wake is ongoing. Otherwise, they are only allowed to interact with each
other after the burial. It is because the old folks believe that something untoward will
happen to either both parties without the Hidit.
Rice wine or any alternative from each segment of the family is poured in an ungut
(see Appendix B) and the two parties will drink. The drinking of wine by the entire family
symbolizes peace between the relatives of the dead and the widow/widower. If single, the
parents of the dead person will drink the wine.
Hulili. In this ritual, a string made out of a bark of a tree is prepared to be placed as
a bracelet for the mourner. This is called the alalahi (wood string). This is worn throughout
the duration of the wake.
Also, water which was already blessed by a mumbaki is prepared for the
widow/widower or mourner to drink so that he/she will not to feel hungry while the wake
is ongoing. This is also drunk by the mourners so that they will be safe from physical
ailments due to hunger. However, the widow/widower should eat and drink with no one
seeing her/him. Some cover the widow/widower with a black cloth covering his/her head
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or he/she will eat and drink in a private area where no one can see them. After drinking,
mumbakis will tie the alalahi, like bracelets to the widow/widower or mourner.
Utung. This prayer is offered before animals are butchered for the wake. The
mumbakis will pray to Maknongan to accept the soul of the dead and to bless his/her
relatives and friends.
For the Bauko people in Mt. Province, this is called the “Atang”, as said by
Labfayong (2005). This is a symbolic plate or basket of food for the spirits of their
ancestors. Before food is being served to all the mourners and guests, an "Atang" is set
aside in a corner for the spirits. Also every time a new bottle of Gin, a jar of new rice wine
has to be opened for the community to be drunk, the first drops or a glass of wine has to be
offered to the spirits. They do this symbolically by saying their prayers to them. At the
same time they drop some milliliter of Gin on the ground and say some prayers like: "To
you spirits who have gathered here... this is the Gin for you, let us drink and make sure that
we all get drunk in peace!!!"... The said prayer is addressed to all spirits. Also, they set
aside a glass of wine for the unseen spiritd, especially when it comes from a newly opened
jar of rice wine.
Bardad. The widow or widower will be transported to stay in another widow or
widower’s house on the third or fifth day of the wake. She or he will go back home the day
after the burial. This is to show to the spirit of the dead that he or she is already separated
and has no right over the widow or widower.
During the burial. Table 4 shows the processes during the burial as stated and
defined by Jose Ambaliwon and Peter Mondiguing:
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Gamun. This is a prayer prayed by the mumbakis to Maknongan (God) that He will
bless those people that attended the burial and they will not be harmed. Butchering of
animals is required.
Indamuh. The widow/widower will be separated when people are carrying the dead
to its grave and they will meet when the burial is done. Food is prepared and is placed in
an open area for the spirits of the people who died earlier to feast. This is to make peace
to the spirits around the area that died earlier.
After the burial. Table 5 shows the processes involved after the burial.
Ngilin. The day after the burial and it’s a day of cleaning up the surroundings and
the house because they are not allowed to clean throughout the duration of the wake. This
is also the day for the lawit where everybody will stay home the whole day. Family of the
dead are not allowed to go to work or do their usual routines to show that they mourn for
he dead. this corroborates the study of Piluden-Omengan (2004) that rituals were also
practiced by the Sagada people where the bereaved parents stay home for a week-long,
Ngilin (mourning). On the eighth day, a chicken is butchered to end the mourning period,
a signal for the parents to return to work on their farms and move on with their lives.
In Bauko, Mt. Province, they practice this as the "Tengaw". This is a period of time,
a day, a week or several weeks when you should stay at home and should not perform your
usual activities like going to the fields. That means: during "Tengaw" these persons should
not go out or attend their fields Labfayong (2005)
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Table 4. Processes followed during the burial
RITUAL
PARTICIPANTS
PROCEDURES
MATERIALS
SYMBOLISM
INVOLVED
USED
Gamun
Mumbakis
Mumbakis praying to Maknongan to bless the
Pigs, chickens
Offering
people attending the burial not to be harmed
and a food prepared for the spirits
Indamuh
Widow/widower
Widow/widower are separated when the
NONE
NONE
people are carrying the dead to its grave.
Table 5. Processes after the burial
RITUAL
PARTICIPANTS
PROCEDURES
MATERIALS
SYMBOLISM
INVOLVED
USED
Ngilin
Family of the dead
Cleaning up the surroundings of the house and NONE
NONE
they are not allowed to go to work or do their
usual routines.
Lawit
Family of the dead
Family and relatives of the dead gathers and
Chicken
Prosperity
call for a mumbakis for the butchering of a
chicken to know if they will prosper for the
coming days and years
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Lawit. This is the day after the burial. Children and relatives who contributed
animals during the wake will stay home and call for a mumbaki to butcher a chicken to see
the bile if they will prosper or not for the coming days and years. The mumbakis will
determine this by the position and appearance of the bile of the chicken being butchered.
The people of Bauko, Mt. Province called this as the “Sumang”. Labfayong (2005)
also said that this is like a gall bladder reading or they termed it as the “Ipedisan”. A nice
and full protruding gall bladder between the liver is a good omen. While the opposite signs
or a bad omen is "a gall bladder, that is almost empty and hardly be seen between the liver".
When the sign is of bad omen, the Elder advises them to butcher another male animal, what
can be a pig or just a rooster. The significance of a male pig or a rooster is that "a male
animal brings the bad omen away".
As for the Kalinga people, according to Leprozo (2009), seven to nine days after
the burial, songot, or the practice of putting glutinous cakes on the tomb of the dead, is
observed in to ensure the dead spirit does not return home and cause sickness to family
members.
After a year, a bone funeral was held and was called the Binong-ar or the Binogwah.
This is a bone cleansing practice of the Ifugao people where the bones of the dead are
brought out for cleaning. The rituals for the burial are the same as the rituals performed on
the burials except for the chanah or the eulogy. This practice is not just done in anytime.
According to the key informants, this will only be held if the haunting is one year
or more; it will depend in the butchering of a chicken. Mumbakis will be the one to butcher
and check the gall bladder of the chicken. If the chicken’s bladder is not good, this indicates
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
that the dead doesn’t want that its bones will be brought out. If so, they will clean the grave
and do the utung.
If the bladder is good, they will dig out the bones of the dead, they will clean the
bones and the grave. The bones will be brought to the house of the dead and the mumbakis
will perform the utung. The bones will be covered by chili (see Figure 3, Appendix B) for
the highest class, bayyaong (see Figure 4, Appendix B) for the middle class and hape (see
Figure 5, Appendix B) for the lowest classes. The bones will be buried near or under the
house or on the same grave. The chili is dull in color and plainly woven. It is woven
separately and it’s warped in black and white color with black as the dominant color. The
design made on both ends symbolizes the first class, having many rice fields inherited from
their parents.
The maker of the chili must belong to the first or middle class because according to
their belief, the lowest class does not have the right to do so. The price is more than two
times of the Bayyaong. The bayyaong has three colors with red as the dominant color.
White as the background for the black for the design to be visible. These color combination
symbolizes the middle class, having a rice field and can afford to buy this cloth having a
price higher than the Hape. The hape is for the lowest class. The colors black and white
symbolizes that the class has no rice field. The price is very cheap that can be affordable
for the lowest class. It has no other designs.
One of the key informant, Jose Yucaddi Ambaliwon stated that “mabalin ladta nga
iruwar da nu pinagtulagan iti pamilya na or jay kabagyan da ngem depende ladta ijay
apru iti manok nga partien iti mumbaki ” (this will also be applicable when the relatives of
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
the dead will deal for it but it will still depend on the gall bladder of the chicken being
butchered by the mumbakis).
The days of a funeral depends on the social status of the dead. Three days for the
lowest class, five days for the middle class, and five to ten days for the highest class.
Others build a small native house near the house or just beside the house for the
bones to be kept.
This is also done before the widow or widower is allowed to marry. The bone-
cleansing funeral will serve as a final farewell. It is also done in this case to ask the spirit
of the dead not to disturb the widow/widower.
According to the key informants, these rituals should be followed accordingly and
with the proper persons performing it. Re-enacting these rituals are strictly prohibited as
said by the five key informants, because they believe that spirits are very active during
these rituals and it is sacred. Even prayers are not allowed to be written.
Also, they strongly advised that re-enacting these rituals requires a butchering of
animals as an offering to Maknongan (God) for protection and blessings.
Messages Communicated and How it is Communicated
during Burials
During wakes and burials, people attending the funeral talk about the life of the
dead and how good he/she was when he/she was still alive. Some were talking to anyone
near them or to anyone who is available as stated by Emilia Cunapa, one of the respondents.
Others talk about how he /she died and what was the cause of death. Also they talk only
about how the dead person went through problems bravely and how the person helped
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
his/her friends in the past. Most of the people telling stories were the closest friends of the
dead, their heroic experiences in the past.
Other family respondents said that they inform others by sending someone to let
the relatives of the dead know the details of the wake and burial.
Changes in the Communication Practices
Table 6 shows the changes in the communication practices.
All of them enumerated changes in the communication process such as they offer
religious songs. This is because of the influence of Christianity in the area.
As one of the respondent, Emilia Cunapa said that “idi ket pagtutung tungan da
lang ket jay panggep iti biyag jay natay, dagijay mayat nga napaspassamak ken dagijay
inar-aramid da. Ngem tadta ket nakikristyanuan tayun, addan jay agkakantan iti
nakristyanuan nga kakanta para iti natay” (in the past, they only talk about the how he
lived, the good deeds and experiences of the dead. Now, that we are influenced by
Christianity, there are singing of religious songs for the dead).
Also, all of them said that in terms of informing other people, they now use cellular
phones through text or call instead of a telegram.
Despite the change, they still emphasized that personal invitations or face to face
communication is still used.
Documentation of Rituals of the Gohang People in Banaue, Ifugao during Burials |
LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
Table 6. Changes in the Communication Process
BEFORE
AFTER
People attending the wake only tell Nowadays, during wakes of a dead, they
stories about the dead.
offers songs specially religious songs
Telegrams and letters were used to They use cellphones through texting,
inform their relatives in distant areas. some use landline telephones
Others send someone to inform their
relatives.
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
The study was conducted to document the communication practices of the Gohang
people in Banaue Ifugao on Burials. Specifically, it aimed to specify the rituals on burials;
identify the processes involved during wakes and burials in terms of materials used and its
symbols; identify the messages being communicated by the participants and how these
messages were communicated during the process of wakes and burials. Ten families
served as the respondents and five mumbakis served as the key informants of the study to
validate the data gathered from the other respondents.
The researcher used guide questionnaire as instrument. The study was conducted
from December 2011 to February 2012.
It also aimed to determine the changes in the communication process. Aside from
interviews, photos were also taken of the different types of materials used.
The study revealed that the mumbakis are the only people who can perform the
prayers during the rituals. During the bone cleansing or the Binogwah, bringing out the
bones depends on the bladders of the chicken being butchered by the mumbakis. These
rituals are still strongly followed in the place of study even though the influence of
Christianity is strongly felt.
Conclusion
The following conclusions were drawn from the study:
1. The rituals are performed because the people still strongly believe that their
traditional god, Maknongan, and other traditional deities, including the anitos, or the spirit
of their ancestors affect their everyday lives.
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012
2. Materials used during rituals depend on the status of the dead person.
3. Messages communicated during wakes focuses mainly on the life of the dead
person.
4. There were noted changes as to how things are being communicated in the area
with regard to burials; however, what they seem is important and effective ways were
retained.
Recommendations
The study recommends the following:
1. A more in-depth study on the rituals should be carried out to validate the
conclusions derived from the results of the study
2. An actual recording and documentation should be done specially on the prayers
being done by the mumbakis and be translated for the people who do not have knowledge
about wakes and burials of the Ifugao people.
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LIMMONG, ERNESTO B. JR. APRIL 2012