BIBLIOGRAPHY MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. ...
BIBLIOGRAPHY
MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012. Chanting Memories: Bangil as a
Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod. Benguet State University, La Trinidad,
Benguet.
Adviser: Christine Grace B. Sidchogan, Ms.C
ABSTRACT
The study was conducted to produce document showing the practice on bangil, a
chant being done during wake by the Karao tribe of Bokod, Benguet. Specifically, it aimed
to identify the characteristics of bangil as a communication practice, identify the
communication processes in bangil in terms of the people involved in bangil; the steps in
bangil and the material used during bangil, identify the content of bangil as documented
during the study and to determine the challenges in sustaining the bangil.
The study was conducted from January to March 2012.
Five key informants were interviewed using interview schedule employing
interview questionnaire. Additional eleven tribe members were interviewed to give
information on the messages delivered in bangil (messages addressed to the dead, family
and the general public).
Bangil is a chant that is sacred because it involves the elders and it has
restrictions for practicing it. It is a communal practice where the elders, the bereaved
family, and the general public are involved. Unlike other chants in the Cordillera, the bangil
is only done by the inducted elders. There are beliefs attached to the practice of bangil.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
Tobacco is distributed twice during bangil. It is done to recognize the presence of
the unseen spirits or ka-apuan (forefathers) of the wake attendees.
The challenges encountered in sustaining bangil are: drunkenness of elders,
disinterestedness to learn among young people, death of elders and infrequent practice of
bangil.
It is then recommended that video documentation be done on bangil. Karao tribe
should also continue practicing bangil to sustain it.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Characteristics of Bangil as a Communication Practice
As noted by Craig (2004), communication as a practice refers to a range of activities
or communication practices that involve talking and listening, writing and reading,
performing and witnessing or more generally, doing anything that involves messages in
any medium or situation.
Bangil as a chant is a form of a communication practice being observed at Karao,
Bokod. It involves talking and listening and performing and witnessing.
As practiced today, bangil is a chant being done during the first and second night
of the wake. The Karao tribe has the tradition that wakes should only last for three days.
The bangilusually starts at 10:00 in the evening, when the night attendees had the evening
meal, and ba’diw was done (Figure 2).
The inducted tribal elders. They are the key players of bangil. The initiator who is
from the group of the iyanka-ama is the one who starts giving messages. The group of the
iyanka-ama gives response to the message while the iyankaba’kol echoes the response of
theiyanka-ama.
As noted by Lunas (2009) cited by Nuval (2010), the role of the elders in the chant
is significant enough to draw the trend of the chant.
Other wake attendees can listen to bangilbut cannot deliver the message because
only the inducted tribal elders are allowed to do it.
Messages in bangil. On the first, content of the messages usually talks about the
dead person’s life and personality when he was still alive. It can also be messages addressed
to the general public.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
On the second night, the messages often contains advises addressed to the family.
The usual content of the message addressed to the dead is to take care of the family he/she
left and never give them misfortunes. The content of the messages addressed to the
bereaved family is to take care of one another while the message addressed to the general
public is to learn from the dead’s stories when he/she was still alive.
This coincides with the study of Wailan (2006) about the Baliwon tribe’s binunga.
A mournful song which is performed to let other people know the departed’s life story
especially the good deeds that may serve as learning for those who are still living.
Chanting. The Karao tribe practices bangil to deliver the messages about the dead‘s
life stories so that people can learn from it.
The recipient of the messages. The dead, the bereaved family and the general public
are the recipient of the messages addressed in bangil. Certain messages are exclusively
addressed to each of them.
Result of the bangil. For the dead, he/she will be appeased because of the messages
addressed to him/her.
For the bereaved family, the messages addressed to them in bangil will comfort
them.
For the general public, they learn from the dead’s experiences when he was still
alive. Messages that are often addressed to them is to follow the good deeds and not to
follow the bad deeds of the dead when he was alive.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
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Processes of Bangil
People Involved in Bangil. The bangil cannot start without the presence of the
respected tribal elders of the Karao tribe. They are considered as the key players of bangil.
There are two groups involved in bangil. The first is the group of the iyanka-ama (male
tribal elders) where the initiator of the bangil will come from and the iyankaba’kol (female
tribal elders).
The iyanka-ama or male tribal elders. They are the members of the inducted tribal
elders who does the response after the message delivery of the initiator. The initiator comes
from the iyanka-ama. He is the one to give messages addressed to the dead, the bereaved
family and the general public in attendance.
The iyankaba’kol or female tribal elders. They are the group of the inducted tribal
elders who does the echo of the response coming from the iyanka-ama.
Steps involved in Bangil. Before the bangil, induction happens during the pilmiron
pangan or first meal but only if the dead was an elder aging from 40 years old and/or above.
Bangil can be done to any dead tribe members but the family can still decide whether to
perform bangil or not.
Selection and Induction. Selection and induction of an inductee can only be done
when an elder dies. If the dead was a younger member of the tribe, bangil is done but
induction cannot push through. Cesario Chaong said that the induction process happens at
the first night during the pilmiron pangan or first meal.
Figure 2 shows the process of selection and induction.
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MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
Consensus among the members of the agbangil that selection
and induction will be done. The prospect members learn this
when an older member of the tribe dies.
During wake (First night)
Invitation by the agbangil for prospect members before the
pilmiron pangan.
Selection happens. The oldest among the prospect members
will automatically be selected.
Induction proper: inductee now eats with the tribal elders
during the pilmiron pangan as an act of induction
Duty of the newly inducted tribal elder starts during the bangil
and other necessary activities during the wake.
Figure 3. The induction process
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
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Prospect members of tribal elders. The inducted tribal leader will invite the
prospect members who should be a member of the Karao tribe and is knowledgeable with
the tribe’s customs and traditions.
In addition, Catalina Wayang, one of the key informants, said that it is not the good
communication skills that count when choosing among the prospect members. What is
important is the knowledge of the inductee about bangil and other practices of the Karao
tribe as well as the willingness to accept duties and responsibilities as an inducted member
of the tribal elders.
There are no specific materials involved in this step.
Selection. This is done by the inducted tribal leaders. Their basis is the knowledge
of the prospect member. Aside from that, the age of the prospect member is also considered.
In the process, the oldest gets the highest chance of inducted.
There are no materials required in this step.
Induction proper. The induction is officially done by letting the inductee join the
inducted tribal elders with the pilmiron pangan or first meal.
There are no required materials in this step.
The induction can only be official if within a year no other elder dies. But if there
was death within a year then the induction that just happened is invalidated.
After the induction during the meal, the duties and respect from other people for
the newly inducted member are already observed. During the wake, he/she will just sit
down with the rest of the inducted tribal elders. He/She is not obliged to do other activities
during wake such as slicing of the meat and serving food.
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Just like how the inducted tribal elders were treated, the newly inducted tribal elder
will be prioritized when foods, drinks, and other things are served. He/She also has a greater
chance of bringing home more watwat. On some occasions during meals, other people
cannot start eating unless the inducted tribal elders start eating. Other responsibilities of an
inducted member aside from joining the bangil are: to act as mediator between two
opposing parties, agkalon, counselor, genealogist like the case of Agdona Chaong of whom
some of the tribe members asked which ancestral line they belong and other responsibilities
and duties according to their expertise. During the bangil, one also of their duty is to talk
about the kawedo wherein they will talk out who among the children of the house is obliged
to butcher pig. They will also talk out who among the children will take over the house
that the dead has left.
Assembly of the inducted tribal elders. The bangil usually starts at 10:00 in the
evening but still it depends on the decision of the tribal elders on what time it will start. It
is done after any religious services or ba’diw. Before the bangil starts, the inducted tribal
elders (Figure 4 and 5) and the general public will have to wait for other elders to come.
The iyankaba’kol are seated inside the house where the dead person is situated while the
iyanka-ama and other men are seated outside or at the bo-day or yard of the house.
Bag-ayan (2010) said that the position of the iyankaba’kol being inside the house
signifies their roles as caretakers of fire because it symbolizes good health.
Agreement among the iyanka-ama. The iyanka-ama will have to decide who among
them will initiate the bangil. The initiator should know something about the dead so that
he knows what message to deliver. On the other hand, the iyankaba’kol shall wait for their
turn to give the echo.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
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There are no specific materials needed in this step.
Table 2. The processes of bangil
Steps
Materials
People
Qualification
involved
s of people
involved
1.Selection
and
-no materials
-inducted
-should
be
induction
required
tribal elders
knowledgeab
-prospect
le of the
member
tribe’s
-no materials
-
inducted
customs and
2.Assembly of the
required
tribal elders
traditions.
inducted tribal
-general
elders.
The
public
iyanka-ama
stays outside the
house while the
-no materials
iyankaba’kol
required
-iyanka-
stays inside the
ama
house.
-general
3.Agreement
Tobacco and
public
among
the
pedped or
-should
iyanka-ama.
guava leaves
-iyanka-ama
know
are
-general
something
4.Message
offered twice
public
about
the
delivery of the
to
dead person
initiator.
the
wake
-iyanka-ama
attendees
-other
should
interested
know the
5.Response of the
males
process of
iyanka-ama.
-general
bangil
public
6.Echo of the iyankaba’kol.
-
should
iyankaba’kol
know
the
-other
process
of
interested
bangil
females
-general
public
*The induction process only happens if an elder dies.
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Figure 4. The iyankaba’kol sharing stories while waiting for others
Figure 5. The iyanka-ama sharing stories while waiting for other elders as other people
listen
Message delivery of the initiator. According to Stanley Atiwag, like the ba’diw, the
bangil is initiated by a male tribal elder (Figure 6). The initiator is the one who gives the
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
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message. The first message to be delivered is about the dead person’s life story and
personalities. On the other hand, the chant does not have a structure to whom the messages
are first to be addressed. Any of the other iyanka-ama can give their message if the initiator
runs out of message.
The initiator never mentions the name of the dead instead he would say aral
(referring to the dead).
The general public can listen to the bangil but cannot give messages because only
the agbangil can do it. Meanwhile, any interested males and females can do the respond or
re-echo considering that he/she is knowledgeable with the process of bangil.
Response of the iyanka-ama. After the initiator’s message, the group of iyanka-ama
and other men present in the wake will deliver their response (Figure 7). Bag-ayan (2010)
mentioned in her study that the iyanka-ama’s response is called seba. The iyanka-ama can
give their response or seba after the initiator will say mapteng mani or nga-aw mani. The
word mani is chanted in a prolonged manner by the iyanka-ama and is being re-echoed by
the iyankaba’kol.
During the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph last March 6, 2012, there were just
two iyanka-ama present to do the bangil, Pacito Fermin, Sinas Wakit, and Bernardo
Chaong, who were not also part of the inducted tribal elders but knowledgeable about it.
They sat with the iyanka-ama and joined the response of the iyanka-ama during the bangil.
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Figure 6. Frank Palcay delivering a message
Echo of the iyankaba’kol. In Bag-ayan’s study (2010), the echo of the iyankaba’kol
is termed by the Karao as owa. The first echo of the aba’kol and other women (Figure 8)
is the same with the iyanka-ama which is the prolonged word mani. After it, the next word
they prolong is o-ogwa.
Florita Bolide, who is not yet an inducted tribal elder joined the iyankaba’kol during
the bangil on the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph. She is knowledgeable with the process
of bangil and had been joining the owa or echo for some years.
After the echo of the iyankaba’kol, another advice or message will be given by the
initiator and the same process will be done until the iyanka-ama finishes the message.
The length of the bangil depends on how long the messages are. According to the
key informants, the chant usually lasts about three hours unlike what Atos’(1982) describe
in his study that bangil starts from night and lasts until morning.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
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Figure 7. The iyanka-ama delivering their response during the bangil
Figure 8. The iyankaba’kol echoing the response
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While the bangil is being done, no other men except the family members are
allowed to go inside the house. They can only enter if they will get something important.
Below are examples of the messages being delivered in bangil during the first night
and second night.
The message in Table 3 is about the initiator inviting prospect members who
want to join the group of inducted tribal elders. He is inviting them reflecting in a way that
old men and women are dying that someone should replace them.
Table 3. Example of message being chanted during the first night as delivered by Isabelo
Alberto
Oy……Ano-en…. (3x)
1. Sikayon bimoltong no piyancho,
Kay teb-ok kayo cha afay, tey sikathoy ugadi
Emme-in a pimosay a iyanka-ama,onno iyankaba’kol
Meseppol a guarey may teb-ok, tep sikathoy ugadi
Mapteng mani.
The message in Table 4 asks God to give the tribe members unity and peace so that
even if they experience trials and challenges, they may be able to help each other. It also
asks God to bless the soul of the dead so that he may help intercede their prayers.
Material used. During the bangil, a single piece of tobacco and pedped (Carabao’s
teats) is distributed by a member of the bereaved family to the wake attendees (Figure 9
and 10). According to Benjamin Bunggal, the tobacco is offered to acknowledge the unseen
spirits or ka-apuan (forefathers) of those who attended the wake.
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Table 4. Example of message being chanted during the second night as delivered by
Juliano “Asibaw” Balnges
Oy….Ano-en…(3x)
1. No pay koma, a Kaapuan, ekkan moy ditheng
say no guarey digat, pendaan nay tulong
Nem niman, niyana ngoy empasing o a et-ettey e too
No mapteng say guarey penda-an
Salamat mani.
It is being distributed two times while bangil is being done. This coincides with
Sacla’s (1987) description of materials saying that the absence of materials render the ritual
unacceptable to the spirits in whom it is offered. A ritual that is not accepted is ineffective.
A past experience was shared by Benjamin Bunggal wherein a family did not offer
tobacco during the wake. A member of the tribe was possessed by a spirit asking why no
tobacco was offered. It is as if the tribe forgot their presence. Learning from that, when
someone dies, the Karao tribe members always see to it that tobacco is present during the
whole duration of the wake.
This corroborates with Sacla (1987) in his book stating that the Benguet elders
believe that the spirits of the ancestors can communicate with man through dreams and
through a medium.
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Figure 9. The tobacco and pedped being distributed to the wake attendees
Figure 10. A family member of the dead distributing tobacco during the bangil
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Messages in Bangil
The content of bangil was divided into three: messages delivered for the dead
person, for the bereaved family, and for the public. The messages vary from initiator to
initiator.
Messages delivered to the dead. According to Marciana Dayotao, when her sister
died, the message addressed to her sister is to take care of the family members whom she
left. Pascuala Bencio also said that when her husband died, the message in bangil delivered
to his husband is for him not to give problems to the family. They told him also to take care
of the family like what he is doing when he was still alive.
Messages delivered to the dead. According to Marciana Dayotao, when her sister
died, the message addressed to her sister is to take care of the family members whom she
left. Pascuala Bencio also said that when her husband died, the message in bangil delivered
to his husband is for him not to give problems to the family. They told him also to take care
of the family like what he is doing when he was still alive.
During the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph, as attended by the researcher, the
messages addressed to him are to take care of the family and to help the tribe members by
interceding their prayers to God. Things about him were learned through bangil. As stated
at one of the messages delivered by Juliano “Asibaw” Balnges, Joseph did not stay at
Karao. He lived in different places until he suffered from an illness that caused his death.
Below are examples of messages addressed to the dead.
In Table 5, the first verse addressed to the dead says that he should bring what is
best for his family. He should not give problems and misfortunes to the family so that they
may live well.
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The second verse or stanza talks about the what abouts of the dead. It says that the
cause of his death is being sought. It was also learned that the dead had stayed away from
Karao.
The last verse addressed to the dead says that he should take care of his bereaved
wife. He should give her peace, good health and peace of mind so that she may live longer.
Messages delivered to the bereaved family. It is usually done on the second night
of the wake. According to Stella Bolide, when her husband died, the message addressed to
her is not to find for a replacement and to take care of their children. They also advised her
to respect her husband and their children and she should not do bad things. Marciana
Dayotao also said that when her sister died, the elders advised her and the family to love
Table 5. Example of bangil’s message meant for the dead person (as delivered by Juliano
“Asibaw” Balnges and Isabelo Alberto)
Oy…Ano-en…(3x)
1. Sikam a pimmosay, safay koma
eseppam e panmeptangan, na pamiljam a en-payas mo
Chiyay a balay
Isu nga epa-nos mo koma e mapteng, nu edmo pa’nosen
Nga-aw mani.
Oy….Ano-en… (3x)
2. Sikam koma, no pay koma, ma’manap ete-yan mo
Egka koma inmaragwe e chiyay koma ngod Karao
Ma’manap e kagul na eteyan mo
No edmo koma in-ahad-ahad.
Say mapteng mani.
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one another and obey what the elders will tell them. They also told them to be respectful.
Below is an example of the message addressed to the bereaved family.
The verse in Table 6 says that the family should first offer or butcher what is owned
by the dead. If it is not enough then that is the time that they will use donations from other
people.
Messages addressed to the general public. According to Patricio Sanoy, when he
listens to bangil, he is learning from the way of life of the dead person. He said he follows
the good deeds of the person but does not follow his bad examples like being boastful.
According to Gabuyo, the values she learned in listening to bangil is to be respectful and
to love other people. Roque Bolide added that the message he learned from bangil is to
comfort the bereaved family financially and spiritually.
During the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph, one of the messages (included below)
is directly for the youth. Frank Palcay advised that instead of going anywhere, young
people should stay inside and listen to the stories of the elders. In this way, they may be
able to learn more about their tribe’s cultures and traditions.
Table 6. Example of bangil’s message meant for the bereaved family (as delivered by
Isabelo Alberto)
Oy….Anoen… (3x)
1. Say pilmiron ma-guek hetta-a kameng to et netta
Wa e-ten simek no pompon to.
Mapteng mani.
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The message in Table 7 is addressed to the general public particularly the youth. It
says that when the elders are telling stories, they should listen to it so that they will learn
more about their culture so that they will also know what they will do. They should listen
to their advices so that wherever they may be, the principles will be with them always.
Table 7. Example of bangil’s message meant for the public (as delivered by Frank
Palcay)
Oy….Ano-en…(3x)
1. Sikayon a-anak
Nu guarey maesestorya
Ekket kayo, panke-ngel kayo ketdi
Ngoy pisseng jon mengde
Na mapteng a bilin
Say mapteng mani.
Challenges in Sustaining Bangil
The key informants enumerated the following as challenges in sustaining bangil.
Drunkenness of tribal elders while they conduct bangil. According to some wake
attendees, sometimes the tribal elders are drunk that the integrity of what they are saying
is gone. They also speak irrelevant topics sometimes.
Disinterestedness to learn among young people. The key informants also said that
only few young people are observing when bangil is being done. Chaong would recall that
when they were young, they are afraid to go home from the wake because he said the bangil
is raising their “goosebumps” that is why they do not listen to it. But now that he now
understands the message being delivered in bangil, he said it is not scary after all.
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Further, as observed by the researcher during the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph,
being not involved in bangil, there are just few of the young people who listen to bangil
done by the elders.
Migration. The key informants said that a familiar scenario in most of the
indigenous communities is that most of the young people from the tribe are studying in
nearby cities. Because of their stay in the city, they are not able to observe how bangil is
done or what the messages of the chant are. This coincides with the study of Nuval (2010)
wherein it states that elders would not deny the fact that the value of education for the
young people’s career; however, some elders claimed that their children’s mind are being
influenced by the modernization set in the city.
IDRC (1998) also noted in their article that since indigenous knowledge are
transmitted orally, it is vulnerable to rapid change especially when people are displaced or
when young people acquire values and lifestyles different from those of the ancestors.
Death of elders. Since the elders are the key players of bangil, the practice is slowly
diminishing because of the elders’ death. Their knowledge about bangil and other cultures
and traditions of their tribe has a slim chance of being passed to the next generation.
It is done during wakes only. The transmission of the practice is difficult because it
is just practiced during wakes. There is no other avenue of learning it.
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SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
The study was conducted to identify the characteristics of bangil as a
communication practice, identify the communication processes of bangil, identify the
content of bangil as documented during the study and to determine the challenges in
sustaining the bangil.
Interview schedules were employed to gather the needed data from the five key
informants and additional respondents. The data gathering was conducted from January to
March 2012.
Bangil is a chant done to honor the dead. It speaks about the good and bad deeds of
the dead person in which other people learn from it. The messages are addressed to the
dead, bereaved family and the general public.
According to the key informants, the people involved in bangil are the inducted
tribal elders called the iyanka-ama or the male tribal elders and the iyankaba’kol or the
female tribal elders. They are called as the key players of bangil.
Induction of the tribal elders happens during the first night of the wake of a dead
elder. The criteria for the induction are as follows: should be knowledgeable with the
customs and traditions of the tribe. There is no age limit set for choosing but the practice
of the tribal leaders is to choose the oldest among the inductees.
The bangil is initiated by an inducted iyanka-ama. He will give the first message
about the dead. The response of the iyanka-ama follows. The echo is then delivered by the
iyankaba’kol. After the echo of the iyankaba’kol, another message will be delivered by the
same person who initiated the bangil or other elders will do. After every message, the
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
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response of the iyanka-ama is delivered followed by the echo of the iyankaba’kol. Anyone
among the iyanka-ama can give his advices after the initiator has run out of message.
The length of the bangil depends on the messages being delivered by the iyanka-
ama.
Tobacco is distributed twice during bangil. It is done to recognize the presence of
the unseen spirits or ka-apuan (forefathers) of the wake attendees.
The challenges encountered in sustaining bangil are: drunkenness of elders,
disinterestedness to learn among young people, death of elders and infrequent practice of
bangil.
Conclusions
Based on the findings of the study, the following conclusions were drawn:
1. Bangil is a chant that is sacred because it involves the elders and it has restrictions
for practicing it.
2. Bangil is a communal practice where the elders, the bereaved family, and the
general public are involved.
3. Unlike other chants in the Cordillera, the bangil is only done by the inducted elders.
4. Like most of the cultural practices, the threats to bangil’s sustainability are
migration, death of elders, lack of appreciation among the younger generations and
it is not practice regularly.
5. There are beliefs attached to the practice of bangil.
6. Bangil is a very important avenue for new members of tribal elders.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
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Recommendations
Based on the results of the study, the following recommendations were derived:
1. Further validation of the history of bangil may be done.
2. Other kinds of documentation, such as video documentation, may be considered by
other researchers to dwell on.
3. The Karao should continue practicing bangil to sustain it.
4. Another study may also be done on bangil as a process for maintaining tribal
council.
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LITERATURE CITED
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20tradition%20and%20communication.pdf.
ATIWAG, S. 2012. The Process of Bangil (Personal Interview).
ATOS, M. D. 1982. The Culture of the Karao Tribe. PhD Thesis. University of Baguio.
Baguio
City. Pp. 69-74.
AYOCHOK, A., J. BANWAGEN, A. LAWANGEN, B. NGALATAN and M. SANTOS.
2006. The traditional rice-based ecosystem of the Karaos in Bokod, Benguet:
agro- biodiversity and sustainability evaluation. BS Thesis. BSU, La Trinidad,
Benguet. Pp. 2-3.
BENGUET SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE. 2007. La Trinidad, Benguet. Pp iii-32.
BAG-AYAN, F. D. 2010. Communication strategies in transmitting cultural practices
among the Karao tribe of Bokod, Benguet. BS Thesis. BSU, La Trinidad, Pp. 6,
24-26.
BAUCAS, B. C. 2003. Traditional Beliefs, Cultural Practices in Benguet. New Baguio
Offset Press. Km.5, La Trinidad, Benguet. Pp. 24-25.
BUNGGAL,B. 2012. Material Used in Bangil. (Personal Interview).
CHAONG, A. 2012. History of Bangil. (Personal Interview).
CHAONG, C. 2012. The Process of Bangil. (Personal Interview).
CRAIG, R. T. 2004. Communication as a Practice. Retrieved December 17, 2011 from
spot.colorado.edu/.../Stances%20Practice-comm practice.
GILL, N. S. 2011. Oral Tradition. Retrieved December 15, 2011 from
http://ancienthistory.about.com/od/homer/f/OralTradition.htm
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IRDC. 1998. Working with Indigenous Knowledge: A guide for researchers. IRDC.
Ottawa, Canada. P.7.
LI, J. and KARAKOWSKY, L. 2001. Do We See Eye-to-Eye? Implications of Cultural
Differences For Cross-Cultural Management Research and Practice. The Journal
of
Psychology, 135(5), 501-517.] Retrieved November 22, 2011 from
http://www.tamu.edu/faculty/choudhury/culture.html.
NUVAL, P. J. A. 2010. Ba’diw as a Communication Tool for Community Development
in
Topdac, Atok, Benguet. BS Thesis. BSU, La Trinidad, Benguet. Pp. 43-
57.
PALCAY, F. 2012. Bangil as a Communication Practice. (Personal Interview).
WAILAN, A.T. 2006. Documentation of the Traditional Communication Practices of the
Baliwon Tribe in Barangay Bantay, Paracelis, Mountain Province. BS Thesis.
BSU, La Trinidad, Benguet. P.30
WAYANG, C. 2012. Traditional Practices of Karao (Personal Interview).
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
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MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012. Chanting Memories: Bangil as a
Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod. Benguet State University, La Trinidad,
Benguet.
Adviser: Christine Grace B. Sidchogan, Ms.C
ABSTRACT
The study was conducted to produce document showing the practice on bangil, a
chant being done during wake by the Karao tribe of Bokod, Benguet. Specifically, it aimed
to identify the characteristics of bangil as a communication practice, identify the
communication processes in bangil in terms of the people involved in bangil; the steps in
bangil and the material used during bangil, identify the content of bangil as documented
during the study and to determine the challenges in sustaining the bangil.
The study was conducted from January to March 2012.
Five key informants were interviewed using interview schedule employing
interview questionnaire. Additional eleven tribe members were interviewed to give
information on the messages delivered in bangil (messages addressed to the dead, family
and the general public).
Bangil is a chant that is sacred because it involves the elders and it has
restrictions for practicing it. It is a communal practice where the elders, the bereaved
family, and the general public are involved. Unlike other chants in the Cordillera, the bangil
is only done by the inducted elders. There are beliefs attached to the practice of bangil.
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Tobacco is distributed twice during bangil. It is done to recognize the presence of
the unseen spirits or ka-apuan (forefathers) of the wake attendees.
The challenges encountered in sustaining bangil are: drunkenness of elders,
disinterestedness to learn among young people, death of elders and infrequent practice of
bangil.
It is then recommended that video documentation be done on bangil. Karao tribe
should also continue practicing bangil to sustain it.
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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Characteristics of Bangil as a Communication Practice
As noted by Craig (2004), communication as a practice refers to a range of activities
or communication practices that involve talking and listening, writing and reading,
performing and witnessing or more generally, doing anything that involves messages in
any medium or situation.
Bangil as a chant is a form of a communication practice being observed at Karao,
Bokod. It involves talking and listening and performing and witnessing.
As practiced today, bangil is a chant being done during the first and second night
of the wake. The Karao tribe has the tradition that wakes should only last for three days.
The bangilusually starts at 10:00 in the evening, when the night attendees had the evening
meal, and ba’diw was done (Figure 2).
The inducted tribal elders. They are the key players of bangil. The initiator who is
from the group of the iyanka-ama is the one who starts giving messages. The group of the
iyanka-ama gives response to the message while the iyankaba’kol echoes the response of
theiyanka-ama.
As noted by Lunas (2009) cited by Nuval (2010), the role of the elders in the chant
is significant enough to draw the trend of the chant.
Other wake attendees can listen to bangilbut cannot deliver the message because
only the inducted tribal elders are allowed to do it.
Messages in bangil. On the first, content of the messages usually talks about the
dead person’s life and personality when he was still alive. It can also be messages addressed
to the general public.
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On the second night, the messages often contains advises addressed to the family.
The usual content of the message addressed to the dead is to take care of the family he/she
left and never give them misfortunes. The content of the messages addressed to the
bereaved family is to take care of one another while the message addressed to the general
public is to learn from the dead’s stories when he/she was still alive.
This coincides with the study of Wailan (2006) about the Baliwon tribe’s binunga.
A mournful song which is performed to let other people know the departed’s life story
especially the good deeds that may serve as learning for those who are still living.
Chanting. The Karao tribe practices bangil to deliver the messages about the dead‘s
life stories so that people can learn from it.
The recipient of the messages. The dead, the bereaved family and the general public
are the recipient of the messages addressed in bangil. Certain messages are exclusively
addressed to each of them.
Result of the bangil. For the dead, he/she will be appeased because of the messages
addressed to him/her.
For the bereaved family, the messages addressed to them in bangil will comfort
them.
For the general public, they learn from the dead’s experiences when he was still
alive. Messages that are often addressed to them is to follow the good deeds and not to
follow the bad deeds of the dead when he was alive.
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Processes of Bangil
People Involved in Bangil. The bangil cannot start without the presence of the
respected tribal elders of the Karao tribe. They are considered as the key players of bangil.
There are two groups involved in bangil. The first is the group of the iyanka-ama (male
tribal elders) where the initiator of the bangil will come from and the iyankaba’kol (female
tribal elders).
The iyanka-ama or male tribal elders. They are the members of the inducted tribal
elders who does the response after the message delivery of the initiator. The initiator comes
from the iyanka-ama. He is the one to give messages addressed to the dead, the bereaved
family and the general public in attendance.
The iyankaba’kol or female tribal elders. They are the group of the inducted tribal
elders who does the echo of the response coming from the iyanka-ama.
Steps involved in Bangil. Before the bangil, induction happens during the pilmiron
pangan or first meal but only if the dead was an elder aging from 40 years old and/or above.
Bangil can be done to any dead tribe members but the family can still decide whether to
perform bangil or not.
Selection and Induction. Selection and induction of an inductee can only be done
when an elder dies. If the dead was a younger member of the tribe, bangil is done but
induction cannot push through. Cesario Chaong said that the induction process happens at
the first night during the pilmiron pangan or first meal.
Figure 2 shows the process of selection and induction.
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Consensus among the members of the agbangil that selection
and induction will be done. The prospect members learn this
when an older member of the tribe dies.
During wake (First night)
Invitation by the agbangil for prospect members before the
pilmiron pangan.
Selection happens. The oldest among the prospect members
will automatically be selected.
Induction proper: inductee now eats with the tribal elders
during the pilmiron pangan as an act of induction
Duty of the newly inducted tribal elder starts during the bangil
and other necessary activities during the wake.
Figure 3. The induction process
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Prospect members of tribal elders. The inducted tribal leader will invite the
prospect members who should be a member of the Karao tribe and is knowledgeable with
the tribe’s customs and traditions.
In addition, Catalina Wayang, one of the key informants, said that it is not the good
communication skills that count when choosing among the prospect members. What is
important is the knowledge of the inductee about bangil and other practices of the Karao
tribe as well as the willingness to accept duties and responsibilities as an inducted member
of the tribal elders.
There are no specific materials involved in this step.
Selection. This is done by the inducted tribal leaders. Their basis is the knowledge
of the prospect member. Aside from that, the age of the prospect member is also considered.
In the process, the oldest gets the highest chance of inducted.
There are no materials required in this step.
Induction proper. The induction is officially done by letting the inductee join the
inducted tribal elders with the pilmiron pangan or first meal.
There are no required materials in this step.
The induction can only be official if within a year no other elder dies. But if there
was death within a year then the induction that just happened is invalidated.
After the induction during the meal, the duties and respect from other people for
the newly inducted member are already observed. During the wake, he/she will just sit
down with the rest of the inducted tribal elders. He/She is not obliged to do other activities
during wake such as slicing of the meat and serving food.
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Just like how the inducted tribal elders were treated, the newly inducted tribal elder
will be prioritized when foods, drinks, and other things are served. He/She also has a greater
chance of bringing home more watwat. On some occasions during meals, other people
cannot start eating unless the inducted tribal elders start eating. Other responsibilities of an
inducted member aside from joining the bangil are: to act as mediator between two
opposing parties, agkalon, counselor, genealogist like the case of Agdona Chaong of whom
some of the tribe members asked which ancestral line they belong and other responsibilities
and duties according to their expertise. During the bangil, one also of their duty is to talk
about the kawedo wherein they will talk out who among the children of the house is obliged
to butcher pig. They will also talk out who among the children will take over the house
that the dead has left.
Assembly of the inducted tribal elders. The bangil usually starts at 10:00 in the
evening but still it depends on the decision of the tribal elders on what time it will start. It
is done after any religious services or ba’diw. Before the bangil starts, the inducted tribal
elders (Figure 4 and 5) and the general public will have to wait for other elders to come.
The iyankaba’kol are seated inside the house where the dead person is situated while the
iyanka-ama and other men are seated outside or at the bo-day or yard of the house.
Bag-ayan (2010) said that the position of the iyankaba’kol being inside the house
signifies their roles as caretakers of fire because it symbolizes good health.
Agreement among the iyanka-ama. The iyanka-ama will have to decide who among
them will initiate the bangil. The initiator should know something about the dead so that
he knows what message to deliver. On the other hand, the iyankaba’kol shall wait for their
turn to give the echo.
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There are no specific materials needed in this step.
Table 2. The processes of bangil
Steps
Materials
People
Qualification
involved
s of people
involved
1.Selection
and
-no materials
-inducted
-should
be
induction
required
tribal elders
knowledgeab
-prospect
le of the
member
tribe’s
-no materials
-
inducted
customs and
2.Assembly of the
required
tribal elders
traditions.
inducted tribal
-general
elders.
The
public
iyanka-ama
stays outside the
house while the
-no materials
iyankaba’kol
required
-iyanka-
stays inside the
ama
house.
-general
3.Agreement
Tobacco and
public
among
the
pedped or
-should
iyanka-ama.
guava leaves
-iyanka-ama
know
are
-general
something
4.Message
offered twice
public
about
the
delivery of the
to
dead person
initiator.
the
wake
-iyanka-ama
attendees
-other
should
interested
know the
5.Response of the
males
process of
iyanka-ama.
-general
bangil
public
6.Echo of the iyankaba’kol.
-
should
iyankaba’kol
know
the
-other
process
of
interested
bangil
females
-general
public
*The induction process only happens if an elder dies.
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Figure 4. The iyankaba’kol sharing stories while waiting for others
Figure 5. The iyanka-ama sharing stories while waiting for other elders as other people
listen
Message delivery of the initiator. According to Stanley Atiwag, like the ba’diw, the
bangil is initiated by a male tribal elder (Figure 6). The initiator is the one who gives the
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message. The first message to be delivered is about the dead person’s life story and
personalities. On the other hand, the chant does not have a structure to whom the messages
are first to be addressed. Any of the other iyanka-ama can give their message if the initiator
runs out of message.
The initiator never mentions the name of the dead instead he would say aral
(referring to the dead).
The general public can listen to the bangil but cannot give messages because only
the agbangil can do it. Meanwhile, any interested males and females can do the respond or
re-echo considering that he/she is knowledgeable with the process of bangil.
Response of the iyanka-ama. After the initiator’s message, the group of iyanka-ama
and other men present in the wake will deliver their response (Figure 7). Bag-ayan (2010)
mentioned in her study that the iyanka-ama’s response is called seba. The iyanka-ama can
give their response or seba after the initiator will say mapteng mani or nga-aw mani. The
word mani is chanted in a prolonged manner by the iyanka-ama and is being re-echoed by
the iyankaba’kol.
During the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph last March 6, 2012, there were just
two iyanka-ama present to do the bangil, Pacito Fermin, Sinas Wakit, and Bernardo
Chaong, who were not also part of the inducted tribal elders but knowledgeable about it.
They sat with the iyanka-ama and joined the response of the iyanka-ama during the bangil.
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Figure 6. Frank Palcay delivering a message
Echo of the iyankaba’kol. In Bag-ayan’s study (2010), the echo of the iyankaba’kol
is termed by the Karao as owa. The first echo of the aba’kol and other women (Figure 8)
is the same with the iyanka-ama which is the prolonged word mani. After it, the next word
they prolong is o-ogwa.
Florita Bolide, who is not yet an inducted tribal elder joined the iyankaba’kol during
the bangil on the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph. She is knowledgeable with the process
of bangil and had been joining the owa or echo for some years.
After the echo of the iyankaba’kol, another advice or message will be given by the
initiator and the same process will be done until the iyanka-ama finishes the message.
The length of the bangil depends on how long the messages are. According to the
key informants, the chant usually lasts about three hours unlike what Atos’(1982) describe
in his study that bangil starts from night and lasts until morning.
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Figure 7. The iyanka-ama delivering their response during the bangil
Figure 8. The iyankaba’kol echoing the response
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While the bangil is being done, no other men except the family members are
allowed to go inside the house. They can only enter if they will get something important.
Below are examples of the messages being delivered in bangil during the first night
and second night.
The message in Table 3 is about the initiator inviting prospect members who
want to join the group of inducted tribal elders. He is inviting them reflecting in a way that
old men and women are dying that someone should replace them.
Table 3. Example of message being chanted during the first night as delivered by Isabelo
Alberto
Oy……Ano-en…. (3x)
1. Sikayon bimoltong no piyancho,
Kay teb-ok kayo cha afay, tey sikathoy ugadi
Emme-in a pimosay a iyanka-ama,onno iyankaba’kol
Meseppol a guarey may teb-ok, tep sikathoy ugadi
Mapteng mani.
The message in Table 4 asks God to give the tribe members unity and peace so that
even if they experience trials and challenges, they may be able to help each other. It also
asks God to bless the soul of the dead so that he may help intercede their prayers.
Material used. During the bangil, a single piece of tobacco and pedped (Carabao’s
teats) is distributed by a member of the bereaved family to the wake attendees (Figure 9
and 10). According to Benjamin Bunggal, the tobacco is offered to acknowledge the unseen
spirits or ka-apuan (forefathers) of those who attended the wake.
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Table 4. Example of message being chanted during the second night as delivered by
Juliano “Asibaw” Balnges
Oy….Ano-en…(3x)
1. No pay koma, a Kaapuan, ekkan moy ditheng
say no guarey digat, pendaan nay tulong
Nem niman, niyana ngoy empasing o a et-ettey e too
No mapteng say guarey penda-an
Salamat mani.
It is being distributed two times while bangil is being done. This coincides with
Sacla’s (1987) description of materials saying that the absence of materials render the ritual
unacceptable to the spirits in whom it is offered. A ritual that is not accepted is ineffective.
A past experience was shared by Benjamin Bunggal wherein a family did not offer
tobacco during the wake. A member of the tribe was possessed by a spirit asking why no
tobacco was offered. It is as if the tribe forgot their presence. Learning from that, when
someone dies, the Karao tribe members always see to it that tobacco is present during the
whole duration of the wake.
This corroborates with Sacla (1987) in his book stating that the Benguet elders
believe that the spirits of the ancestors can communicate with man through dreams and
through a medium.
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Figure 9. The tobacco and pedped being distributed to the wake attendees
Figure 10. A family member of the dead distributing tobacco during the bangil
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Messages in Bangil
The content of bangil was divided into three: messages delivered for the dead
person, for the bereaved family, and for the public. The messages vary from initiator to
initiator.
Messages delivered to the dead. According to Marciana Dayotao, when her sister
died, the message addressed to her sister is to take care of the family members whom she
left. Pascuala Bencio also said that when her husband died, the message in bangil delivered
to his husband is for him not to give problems to the family. They told him also to take care
of the family like what he is doing when he was still alive.
Messages delivered to the dead. According to Marciana Dayotao, when her sister
died, the message addressed to her sister is to take care of the family members whom she
left. Pascuala Bencio also said that when her husband died, the message in bangil delivered
to his husband is for him not to give problems to the family. They told him also to take care
of the family like what he is doing when he was still alive.
During the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph, as attended by the researcher, the
messages addressed to him are to take care of the family and to help the tribe members by
interceding their prayers to God. Things about him were learned through bangil. As stated
at one of the messages delivered by Juliano “Asibaw” Balnges, Joseph did not stay at
Karao. He lived in different places until he suffered from an illness that caused his death.
Below are examples of messages addressed to the dead.
In Table 5, the first verse addressed to the dead says that he should bring what is
best for his family. He should not give problems and misfortunes to the family so that they
may live well.
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The second verse or stanza talks about the what abouts of the dead. It says that the
cause of his death is being sought. It was also learned that the dead had stayed away from
Karao.
The last verse addressed to the dead says that he should take care of his bereaved
wife. He should give her peace, good health and peace of mind so that she may live longer.
Messages delivered to the bereaved family. It is usually done on the second night
of the wake. According to Stella Bolide, when her husband died, the message addressed to
her is not to find for a replacement and to take care of their children. They also advised her
to respect her husband and their children and she should not do bad things. Marciana
Dayotao also said that when her sister died, the elders advised her and the family to love
Table 5. Example of bangil’s message meant for the dead person (as delivered by Juliano
“Asibaw” Balnges and Isabelo Alberto)
Oy…Ano-en…(3x)
1. Sikam a pimmosay, safay koma
eseppam e panmeptangan, na pamiljam a en-payas mo
Chiyay a balay
Isu nga epa-nos mo koma e mapteng, nu edmo pa’nosen
Nga-aw mani.
Oy….Ano-en… (3x)
2. Sikam koma, no pay koma, ma’manap ete-yan mo
Egka koma inmaragwe e chiyay koma ngod Karao
Ma’manap e kagul na eteyan mo
No edmo koma in-ahad-ahad.
Say mapteng mani.
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one another and obey what the elders will tell them. They also told them to be respectful.
Below is an example of the message addressed to the bereaved family.
The verse in Table 6 says that the family should first offer or butcher what is owned
by the dead. If it is not enough then that is the time that they will use donations from other
people.
Messages addressed to the general public. According to Patricio Sanoy, when he
listens to bangil, he is learning from the way of life of the dead person. He said he follows
the good deeds of the person but does not follow his bad examples like being boastful.
According to Gabuyo, the values she learned in listening to bangil is to be respectful and
to love other people. Roque Bolide added that the message he learned from bangil is to
comfort the bereaved family financially and spiritually.
During the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph, one of the messages (included below)
is directly for the youth. Frank Palcay advised that instead of going anywhere, young
people should stay inside and listen to the stories of the elders. In this way, they may be
able to learn more about their tribe’s cultures and traditions.
Table 6. Example of bangil’s message meant for the bereaved family (as delivered by
Isabelo Alberto)
Oy….Anoen… (3x)
1. Say pilmiron ma-guek hetta-a kameng to et netta
Wa e-ten simek no pompon to.
Mapteng mani.
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The message in Table 7 is addressed to the general public particularly the youth. It
says that when the elders are telling stories, they should listen to it so that they will learn
more about their culture so that they will also know what they will do. They should listen
to their advices so that wherever they may be, the principles will be with them always.
Table 7. Example of bangil’s message meant for the public (as delivered by Frank
Palcay)
Oy….Ano-en…(3x)
1. Sikayon a-anak
Nu guarey maesestorya
Ekket kayo, panke-ngel kayo ketdi
Ngoy pisseng jon mengde
Na mapteng a bilin
Say mapteng mani.
Challenges in Sustaining Bangil
The key informants enumerated the following as challenges in sustaining bangil.
Drunkenness of tribal elders while they conduct bangil. According to some wake
attendees, sometimes the tribal elders are drunk that the integrity of what they are saying
is gone. They also speak irrelevant topics sometimes.
Disinterestedness to learn among young people. The key informants also said that
only few young people are observing when bangil is being done. Chaong would recall that
when they were young, they are afraid to go home from the wake because he said the bangil
is raising their “goosebumps” that is why they do not listen to it. But now that he now
understands the message being delivered in bangil, he said it is not scary after all.
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MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
Further, as observed by the researcher during the wake of Nestor Quiandao Joseph,
being not involved in bangil, there are just few of the young people who listen to bangil
done by the elders.
Migration. The key informants said that a familiar scenario in most of the
indigenous communities is that most of the young people from the tribe are studying in
nearby cities. Because of their stay in the city, they are not able to observe how bangil is
done or what the messages of the chant are. This coincides with the study of Nuval (2010)
wherein it states that elders would not deny the fact that the value of education for the
young people’s career; however, some elders claimed that their children’s mind are being
influenced by the modernization set in the city.
IDRC (1998) also noted in their article that since indigenous knowledge are
transmitted orally, it is vulnerable to rapid change especially when people are displaced or
when young people acquire values and lifestyles different from those of the ancestors.
Death of elders. Since the elders are the key players of bangil, the practice is slowly
diminishing because of the elders’ death. Their knowledge about bangil and other cultures
and traditions of their tribe has a slim chance of being passed to the next generation.
It is done during wakes only. The transmission of the practice is difficult because it
is just practiced during wakes. There is no other avenue of learning it.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
The study was conducted to identify the characteristics of bangil as a
communication practice, identify the communication processes of bangil, identify the
content of bangil as documented during the study and to determine the challenges in
sustaining the bangil.
Interview schedules were employed to gather the needed data from the five key
informants and additional respondents. The data gathering was conducted from January to
March 2012.
Bangil is a chant done to honor the dead. It speaks about the good and bad deeds of
the dead person in which other people learn from it. The messages are addressed to the
dead, bereaved family and the general public.
According to the key informants, the people involved in bangil are the inducted
tribal elders called the iyanka-ama or the male tribal elders and the iyankaba’kol or the
female tribal elders. They are called as the key players of bangil.
Induction of the tribal elders happens during the first night of the wake of a dead
elder. The criteria for the induction are as follows: should be knowledgeable with the
customs and traditions of the tribe. There is no age limit set for choosing but the practice
of the tribal leaders is to choose the oldest among the inductees.
The bangil is initiated by an inducted iyanka-ama. He will give the first message
about the dead. The response of the iyanka-ama follows. The echo is then delivered by the
iyankaba’kol. After the echo of the iyankaba’kol, another message will be delivered by the
same person who initiated the bangil or other elders will do. After every message, the
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
response of the iyanka-ama is delivered followed by the echo of the iyankaba’kol. Anyone
among the iyanka-ama can give his advices after the initiator has run out of message.
The length of the bangil depends on the messages being delivered by the iyanka-
ama.
Tobacco is distributed twice during bangil. It is done to recognize the presence of
the unseen spirits or ka-apuan (forefathers) of the wake attendees.
The challenges encountered in sustaining bangil are: drunkenness of elders,
disinterestedness to learn among young people, death of elders and infrequent practice of
bangil.
Conclusions
Based on the findings of the study, the following conclusions were drawn:
1. Bangil is a chant that is sacred because it involves the elders and it has restrictions
for practicing it.
2. Bangil is a communal practice where the elders, the bereaved family, and the
general public are involved.
3. Unlike other chants in the Cordillera, the bangil is only done by the inducted elders.
4. Like most of the cultural practices, the threats to bangil’s sustainability are
migration, death of elders, lack of appreciation among the younger generations and
it is not practice regularly.
5. There are beliefs attached to the practice of bangil.
6. Bangil is a very important avenue for new members of tribal elders.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
Recommendations
Based on the results of the study, the following recommendations were derived:
1. Further validation of the history of bangil may be done.
2. Other kinds of documentation, such as video documentation, may be considered by
other researchers to dwell on.
3. The Karao should continue practicing bangil to sustain it.
4. Another study may also be done on bangil as a process for maintaining tribal
council.
Chanting Memories: Bangil as a Communication Practice in Karao, Bokod |
MANG-OSAN, OFELIA C. APRIL 2012
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