BIBLIOGRAPHY ANUDON, LA MARIA...
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ANUDON, LA MARIA VICTORIA C. MARCH 2013. A Diagnostic Analysis of
the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao. Benguet State University, La
Trinidad, Benguet.
Adviser: Jovita M. Sim, MSc.
ABSTRACT
This was conducted to: identify the land tenure systems practiced by landlords and
landless tenants; describe the terms and conditions of the agreement between the landlords
and the tenants; and determine the problems encountered by the respondents in the terms
and conditions of the agreement. This study was conducted in Kiangan, Ifugao from
December 2012 to February 2013.
All of the respondents were involved in share cropping. There were three types of
landlord and tenant sharing such as 50:50 share, 15:85 share and 30:70 share. The
conditions of inputs depended upon the type of share cropping. It may be shared by both
the landlord or his tenant or it may be shouldered solely by the landlord or vice versa.
There were no written contracts since the respondents preferred verbal agreements
by which they could subject to changes when called for.
Furthermore, the respondents added that they experienced many problems like
problems on the repair of farm after calamities, maintenance of irrigation system,
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
ANUDON, LA MARIA VICTORIA C. MARCH 2013
incomprehensive tenure agreement, disagreeable attitudes of the tenure strata, additional
expenses and misunderstanding between the landlord and tenant.
In conclusion, there are still existing imperfections of the share cropping agreement
even if it was practiced for generations.
Thus, it is recommended that the existing policies should be reviewed and
developed governing the land tenure practices that may improve arrangements among
landlords and tenants and it is also recommended that in order to promote a comprehensive
working agreement, a written contract should be considered to properly define the terms
and conditions of the agreement that will help avoid disputes among the tenurial strata.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
ANUDON, LA MARIA VICTORIA C. MARCH 2013
INTRODUCTION
Rationale
Land is the most basic economic resource in all corners of the world especially in
developing countries with a large rural population. It is the mainstay of human life from
where man derives his sustenance.
According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (2003), the problem of land
tenure and its relationship to rural productivity is currently receiving serious attention in
most developing countries. One must constantly bear in mind that in predominantly
agricultural communities, the form of tenure constitutes the social framework of
production. It is thus of immense importance to address who has the right to cultivate land
and on what terms
In Kiangan, Ifugao, most of the inhabitants are dependent on agriculture as their
source of livelihood. It is a 4th class municipality with a land area of 20,419.20 hectares
devoted to agricultural potentials. It used to be branded as the “Vegetable Bowl of Ifugao,”
being the main source of vegetables in the province; however, production had decreased in
recent years and already overtaken by other municipalities (MAO, 2005).
According to the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO, 2003), the form of
social structure and productivity are in direct and close relationship with the form of land
tenure. The security of land tenure need not amount to ownership of the land. A tenant’s
security may be as good as his landlord when the conditions are efficiently regulated.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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The Global Agriculture and Policy Institute (GAPI, 2003) revealed that insecure
tenure creates uncertainties that lead sub-optimal outcomes both for short-term agricultural
output and sustainable development. Furthermore, while ownership can be the surest way
to have access to land, it does not have to be the only way. The more important thing,
according to GAPI, is that the security is properly defined. That is, regulations are
pertaining to even tenancy arrangements. In fact, ownership may not even be affordable.
It is in this premise that this study is formulated.
Importance of the Study
The result of this study would provide essential information for policy makers who
attempt to improve the economic situation of the farmers through better tenurial
arrangements. Also, it would help in assessing the tenurial problems and conditions that
will serve as basis for the proper authorities to take proper action to increase efficiency and
productivity of land use. Lastly, it will help other researchers with a similar study.
Statement of the Problem
This study addressed the following questions:
1. What are the tenure systems practiced between a landlord and a landless tenant
in Kiangan, Ifugao;
2. What are the terms and conditions set by the agreement between the tenant and
the landlord; and,
3. What are the problems encountered by the landlord and tenant in the terms and
conditions of the agreement?
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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Objectives of the Study
This research study aimed to:
1. identify the land tenure systems practiced by a landlord and a landless tenant in
Kiangan, Ifugao;
2. describe the terms and conditions of the agreement between the landlord and the
tenant; and,
3. determine the problems encountered by the respondents in the terms and
conditions of the agreement.
Scope and Delimitation of the Study
The study focused on gathering information of land tenure arrangements among
landless tenants with a landlord, the terms and conditions of the arrangement and the
problems encountered by the respondents in relation to land tenancy.
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REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Revisiting Land Reforms
According to Hildemann et al. (1998), the Spanish occupation started private
ownership of land. All public lands were converted to crown lands and were awarded to
Spanish officials, the military men and the clergy.
At the end of the 18th century, sharecropping arrangements were introduced
between landlord and tenant, with the land owner usually getting more than half of the
share and more if the landlord provided the inputs. Lands were being acquired by buying
and settling on unoccupied land and getting it registered and titled as private land but, only
a few Filipinos were able to acquire land. In many cases, the people borrowed from
businessmen and other land owners to purchase lands. In return, these lenders took their
lands as collateral. (Hildemann et al., 1998)
Extreme disparities in land distribution were rampant. Large tracts of land ended
up in the hands of the few who had descended from the Spaniards, Chinese traders and
Filipinos who collaborated with the colonizers. A majority of the Filipino population lived
in complete dependence on their landlords and suffered terrible poverty. With the coming
of the Americans, lands were purchased from the church and resold to the tenants.
However, the poor cannot afford the price so lands were taken by the Americans. There
were many government programs that intended to establish access of the Filipinos to land.
The introduction of land titling systems, the Homestead Act and land ceilings gave rise to
new landed mestizo class. (Hildemann et al., 1998)
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The majority of the population could not undergo the expensive registration
process. After all, it fell on the hands of the elite and upper classes.
The hunger for land awoke upheavals and uprisings the years after. The first
attempt at land Reform was Presidential Decree (PD) 27, declared by then President
Ferdinand Marcos in 1972 under Martial law. But it was limited only among tenanted rice
and corn lands.
In 1986, the People’s Power Revolution ended the martial rule and propelled
Republic Act 6657 which instituted the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL).
The bill was debated intensely in and out the halls of congress. Due to mass demonstrations,
CARL was compromised. Much of the compromise was in favor of the landowners while
the militant groups denounced it as pro-landowner.
The CARL set the implementation of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform in June
1988. It specified that property bears social function and therefore, the right to own land or
other property also bears the obligation to use it according to norms that are agreed upon
and are beneficial to the society.
Agrarian Reform constitutes a major change in the structure of ownership of
agricultural land. In the Philippines, it seeks to solve centuries-old problems of rural
landlessness. It aims to change land tenure relationships and change the current culture of
exclusion so that the poor gains access to credit, technology and markets. Lastly, it aims
for the poor to become active participants in the development programs of the government.
A just distribution, equality and ecologically-sound agricultural production, welfare
of farmworkers, social justice and rural development were the immediate aims of the
reform program. (Hildemann et. al., 1998)
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A study conducted by the FAO (2003) found that despite the many constraints and
resistances, the Agrarian Reform program in the country is positive and encouraging. It
benefited at least a significant portion of the rural population towards the overall
development of the country. The study further stated that agrarian reform is not simply land
distribution but access to land is coupled with the security of tenure to motivate investment
and incentive to increase productivity.
Land Tenure and Access to Land
Poverty is still a rural phenomenon in the Philippines. Three-quarters of the poor
live in the rural-areas and the majority depends on agriculture and related industries for
employment and income. Struggling through this phase of rural poverty is the so called
unequal system of land tenure. Its impact in retarding agricultural development and farm
investment is well known. (GAPI, 2003)
Land tenure is the set of rules that determines how land is used, possessed,
leveraged, sold, or in other ways disposed within societies. These rules may be established
by the state or by custom, and rights may accrue to individuals, families, communities, or
organizations (Garvelink, 2007). Rules of tenure define how property rights to land are to
be allocated within societies. They define how access is granted rights to use, control, and
transfer land, as well as associated responsibilities and restraints. Rural landlessness,
according to FAO (2003), is a predictor of poverty. Inadequate rights of access to land and
insecure tenure impedes rural development.
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Access to land had been a central issue in recent years. The rights of access may have their
origin in the use of the land over a long period. They are often rights developed by ancestral
occupation and by the use of land by ancestral societies. According to the Economic and
Social Development Department (2005), people also use a wide range of strategies to gain
access to land by purchasing which often uses capital accumulated while working as
migrants in urban areas. In some countries, the only method for small farmers to gain
formal access to vacant or abandoned land and to bring it into productive use is by adverse
possession and prescription of land (the acquisition of rights through possession for a
prescribed period of time). Others use leasing or gaining access to land by paying rent to
the owner. Through sharecropping, land is accessed in return for paying the owner a
percentage of the production. Some may inherit land or squat illegally on land. In addition
to individual strategies of gaining access, land can be granted by the intervention of the
government. It is of great importance to create frameworks and programs that enhances
fair access to land which will promote a just social structure.
Security of Tenure and Agricultural Productivity
Presently, there are great debates that tenure security is the transfer of land from
large land owners to the landless and land poor.
A study by Petersen (1991) revealed that without security of tenure, households are
impaired in their ability to secure sufficient food and to enjoy sustainable rural livelihood.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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Many argue that security can arise only when there is full private ownership. That
is, only an owner enjoys secure rights while holders of fewer rights have insecure tenure
because they are dependent on the will of the owner. (Petersen, 1991)
As published by the FAO (2003), equating security with transfer rights to sell and
mortgage is true to a few parts of the world but not among many others. In some areas of
the Philippines, the beneficiaries of land reform refused lands that were being awarded to
them because they are dependent on their landlords for other farm inputs. Others have sold
their lands or mortgaged their rights due to reasons of urgent need of money and rampant
poverty.
According to the International Land Coalition (2006), adequate tenure security does
not necessarily mean ownership but what the rural people need, how land can be efficiently
utilized and how tenants undertake investment in the land. The uncertainty undermines the
incentives of the tenants to make long-term investment. Security of tenure lies in the
assurance that the rural poor is provided access to land, the person’s rights are duly
recognized, protected and that investment in agriculture is promoted.
There are widespread acknowledgements that secure access to land and property
rights promote and expand the rural economy. When the poor are able to access and use
their lands to secure credit and financial services, more livelihood options open up for
them. Security of tenure is the first step to agricultural productivity. Farmers are reasonably
secure that their families eat three meals a day and enough money is left to send their
children to school (Kuhnen, 2007).
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Furthermore, according to Kuhnen (2007), when tenure is insecure, farmers have
no incentive to make investments. Farmers are inclined to milk the land for all its worth
instead of giving back what it takes from the soil.
The resulting degradation of the land threats the livelihood of millions of farmers and put
food security at risk. This holds true not just among tenants who feel that their tenure is
uncertain but also for those holding short-term use rights. People with insecure tenure face
the risk that their rights to land will be threatened by competing claims, and even lost as a
result of eviction. Without security of tenure, households are significantly impaired in their
ability to secure sufficient food and to enjoy sustainable rural livelihoods.
According to Acquaye (2000), it is widely recognized that improvement in security
of tenure, to some extent, plays a major role in agricultural productivity because it is that
which encourages or discourages a farmer to invest in the farm. Tenure security provides
key assets for poverty reduction, allowing the poor to help themselves by growing food
and investing in more productive activities. A secure tenure will encourage a farmer to
invest for he will be sure to reap the benefits of his labor and thus increase productivity.
Typology of Filipino Peasants by Tenure and Access to Land
The International Land Coalition (ILC, 2006) study stated that the types of Filipino
peasants today are defined by their land holdings and labor arrangements.
Type 1. The subsistence owner-cultivator, commonly found in upland or rain-fed
areas, a small settler in a pioneer area; the peasant with his own family, independent and
bound to traditional agriculture.
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Type 2. The “Kasama” sharecropper of a small landlord or a landless worker who
hires out his labor to other small farmers in seasonal periods through sub-tenancy
arrangements or labor arrangements that are actually disguised forms of share tenancy.
Type 3. The share tenant or lessee of a hacienda whose patron to client relations are
more pronounced and with expectations of landlord reciprocity.
Type 4. The “hacienda” worker who is either a permanent or a migrant, like the
“dumaans” and “sacadas” of the Negros and Panay sugar areas; under an administrative
hierarchy composed of “encargado, cabo and contratista.”; haciendas of this type continue
to adopt traditional methods of agriculture resulting in inefficient production and high
costs of cheap labor.
Type 5. The agricultural worker, regular or casual, within a plantation that is
capital-intensive, export-oriented and oftentimes, linked to translational corporations for
capital and marketing requirements.
Type 6. A member of a farm or land consolidation project wherein production and
credit marketing activities are stressed. Communal ownership of the land is invoked.
Cultural minorities with a tradition of communal landownership may fit in this category
once easier access to credit and market is afforded.
Type 7. A small farmer linked to a cooperative network or a corporation.
Type 8. The individual small farmer receiving some government support in the
form of a crop loan, irrigation service and farm-to-market roads. Without farmers’
organization or cooperative, however, these services are limited or may be curtailed.
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Definition of Terms
Agreement. This refers to the land tenure arrangements that the landlord and tenant
will agree upon.
Income share. This refers to the net income after selling the harvest shared by the
landlord and tenant.
Input. This refers to the material needs of the farm ranging from production to
harvesting operations such as seeds, fertilizers, insecticides and chemicals.
Landlord. This refers to the owner of the land.
Lease. This refers to the tenure system wherein the tenant pays the landlord a fixed
amount (rent) for the use of his land.
Mode of payment. This refers to the amount or crop share that is used to pay the
landlord by the tenant for his use of the land or by the landlord to the tenant for his labor.
Share cropping/ Share tenancy. The tenants will have to pay the landlord in the
form of the crop share in return for his land use. It may also mean that the crop is shared
among family members.
Security of Tenure. This refers to the productivity and efficiency of land tenure
system that benefits both the tenant and his landlord.
Tenant. This refers to the landless farmer who cultivates the land rented from the
landlord.
Tenure system. This refers to land operating practices existing between a landlord
and a tenant.
Terms and Conditions. This refers to the mode of sharing by the landlord and tenant
in terms of the inputs and share of the harvest.
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METHODOLOGY
Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted in Kiangan, Ifugao where rice fields are found scattered
in patches of terraced land along mountain slopes, plateaus and on the sides of the rivers,
streams and creeks. Other areas are planted with root crops and vegetables that augment
the inadequate rice production. Fruit trees such as bananas, oranges, santol, mangoes,
citrus, rattan and coffee trees are found on non-irrigated slopes, on the mountains, on
hillsides and at the backyards of residents.
The study was conducted from December 2012 to January 2013.
Respondents of the Study
There were (20) tenant farmers and (20) landlords who were identified through
purposive sampling. They were determined according to the type of tenancy they are in.
Data Gathering Procedure
A survey questionnaire was distributed to the respondents together with personal
interview for validation.
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Data Gathered
The expected data included the tenure systems, the terms and agreement of the
tenurial arrangement and problems faced by the respondents that are related to the tenurial
arrangements.
Data Analysis
The data were analyzed using frequency analysis and descriptive method.
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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This section is divided into three parts. The first part chiefly discusses the profile
of the respondents in terms of age, civil status, number of dependent members, educational
attainment, source of income, annual income and years of experience in farming.
The second part tackles the crops being planted and whether the respondents
consume or sell their harvest, the different terms and conditions of the existing tenurial
arrangements, the perception of the respondents whether the arrangement is fair or unfair,
the benefits provided for by the landlords. Lastly, the problems encountered by the
respondents in the tenurial arrangements are enumerated.
Profile of the Respondents
Age. Greater proportions (40%) were at the age of 46 to 55 years old. There are few
(5%) who are above 65 years. On the other hand, a greater proportion (40%) of the tenants
is relatively younger at 36-45.
This finding shows that most of the landlords were generally older than the tenants.
Civil status. A majority (75%) and most (80%) of the landlords and tenants were
married, respectively. Some (20 %) of the landlords are widowed and others (5%) are
single. Meanwhile, there were 15% widowed tenants and a few (5%) are single.
This finding shows that there were more married people who are involved in land
tenancy either as a landlord or a tenant. There were also single individuals who involve
themselves in farming for additional source of income.
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Educational attainment. The landlords generally have finished college at 90% and
high school at 10%. There were no landlords who have not finished elementary level.
Meanwhile, majority (60 %) of the tenants reached elementary but did not pursue higher
education. Some (15 %) continued on to high school and a few (10%) finished college. The
rest (15%) did not have any formal education.
As expected, most (90%) of the tenants did not finish school or have not received
any formal education. This is in contrast with the landlords, who, mostly (90%) graduated
college. According to Awasthi (1988), it is not illogical to argue that ownership of land
provides the landlord and his family members a greater access to education because as
security of tenure is assured, their preferences are oriented to other items such as education.
Meanwhile, education is a sacrifice for most of the tenants in terms of salary foregone for
the labor that the family members could have provided for in the farm.
Number of dependent family members. Table 1 shows that there is a difference of
the respondents in terms of number of dependents or household members they have. The
majority (65%) of the landlords have household members ranging from four to six
members. Some (15%) have above six members and 20% had one to three family members.
Half (50%) of the tenants have family members above six and 40% at four to six members.
The rest (10 %) have one to three members.
This finding reveals that more tenants have more household or dependent family
members. According to the respondents, this trend can be attributed to the capacity of the
landlords to send their children away and live in other places to venture on greener pastures.
As observed, most of the children of the landlords reside in the cities or travelled abroad
leaving their parents to hire labor to tend to their farms.
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As for the tenants, their children share with the labor in the farm and more often
than not, merge their families in their parents’ household. This is because their family does
not have enough resources to send their children away like the landlords do.
Years of experience in farming. Table 1 showed that majority (60%) of the
landlords have been involved in farming for twenty to thirty years and 25% for the
landlords who have been farming for ten to twenty years. A few (10 %) have been in
farming for more than thirty years and 5% for less than ten years.
Meanwhile, a majority (75 %) the tenants have worked in the farm for one to twenty
years and 20% for those who have been farming for twenty to thirty years and the rest (5
%) for more than thirty years.
This can be explained by the age difference of the respondents were landlords are
generally older than the tenants and have been in farming quite longer than the tenants.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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Table 1. Profile of the respondents
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Age bracket
15-25
0
0
4
20
36-45
6
30
8
40
46-55
8
40
5
25
56-65
5
25
3
15
Above 65
1
5
0
0
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Civil status
Single
1
5
3
15
Married
15
75
16
80
Widowed
4
20
1
5
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Educational Attainment
None
0
0
3
15
Elementary
0
0
12
60
High school
2
10
3
15
College
18
90
2
10
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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Table 1. continued…
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Number of dependent
family members
F
%
F
%
None
0
0
0
0
1-3
4
20
2
10
4-6
13
65
8
40
Above 6
3
15
10
50
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Years of experience in farming
1-10 years
1
5
8
40
10-20 years
5
25
7
35
20-30 years
12
60
4
20
Above 30 yrs.
2
10
1
5
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Sources of Income
All of the tenants reported farming as their major source of income. In addition,
some (40%) of the tenants were involved in short-term employment like clerical jobs and
contractual services like carpentry, machine operators and assemblers. On the other hand,
all of the landlords were involved in farming but majority (75%) were employed in public
and private agencies as their primary source of income.
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Some (20%) have their own businesses like sari-sari store, hog and poultry raising,
shops, restaurants and handicraft stores.
Annual Income
Long-term employment refers to permanent jobs either in government or private
agencies and receiving regular salary while short-term employment are contractual services
that are short-lived and are normally irregular with no stable salary. Business refers to the
ventures of individuals who own their private businesses like large general merchandizing
establishments to small grocery stores, woodcarving stores, restaurants and livestock
production.
Of the twenty landlords, majority (60%) earn income above P75, 000 annually.
Some (40%) earn income ranging from P45, 000 to P75, 000. These are the non-working
landlords who tend to manage the farms and receive allowances from their well-off
children and their retirement fees.
There is a great difference with that of the tenants where none of the respondents
earn income above P65, 000. A majority (75%) earn from P30, 000 to P45, 000. Some
(15%) earn P15, 000 to P30, 000 and only (10%) earn P45, 000 to P65, 000.
As presented, there is an obvious difference of the annual incomes of the two
tenurial strata. It should be noted that the annual income from other sources of income is
higher than that of farming. This situation can be explained by the employment factors of
the respondents. There are no tenants involved in long-term employment in private or
public agencies that could be a result of their poor educational attainment. In addition, since
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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contractual services are short lived and irregular, they are not provided with a stable source
of income.
Whereas, there are many landlords who are employed in stable jobs that provide
them with higher and regular pay. Included to this, is the fact that some landlords have
other business ventures that add to their income.
Land Area
Majority (60%) of the landlords own 2 to 3 hectares of land. The other 20 percent
own lands from one to two hectares. There are 15 percent with more than three hectares
and 5 percent who own less than a hectare.
A majority (55%) of the tenants cultivate land less than a hectare, while there are
about 30 percent who cultivate 1 to two hectares and 15 percent for those who cultivate
two to three hectares.
An explanation to this because a landlord may have more than one tenant who has
to share with other tenants the land to be cultivated, therefore, allowing them only a portion
of the landlord’s land.
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Table 2. Sources and annual income
SOURCE/ ANNUAL INCOME
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Farming
20
100
20
100
Long-term employment
15
75
0
0
Short-term employment
0
0
4
20
Business
4
20
3
15
*Multiple response
P15,000- 30,000
0
0
3
15
P30,001-45,000
0
0
15
75
P45,001-60,000
4
20
2
10
P60,001-75,000
4
20
0
0
Above P75,000
12
60
0
0
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
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Table 3. Land area owned by landlord and land area cultivated by tenant
LAND AREA
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
(Owned by landlord)
(Cultivated by tenant)
F
%
F
%
< 1 hectare
1
5
11
0
1-2 hectares
4
20
6
15
2-3 hectares
12
60
3
30
> 3 hectares
3
15
0
55
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Crops and Utilization
Table 4 reveals that for all the landlords and the tenants plant rice as the common
main crop.
According to data of MA0 (2005), rice being the staple food of the people is the
main crop planted in the municipality. The culture revolves around rice which is considered
a prestige crop. There are various rice culture feasts connected with taboos and agricultural
rites ranging from rice cultivation to rice consumption. Many practices are linked with the
crop; however, there are those who converted their rice lands into vegetable patches
because they prefer cash crops to raising rice.
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Many rice fields are converted to vegetable gardens. The common vegetables being
planted now are tomatoes, eggplant, wing beans, pepper, cabbage, Chinese cabbage, sweet
peas.
There are fruit trees like coffee, citrus and bananas. Some fruits brought outside the
province usually go to Manila or Baguio for selling.
Also, the table presents that 45% and 65% of the landlords and the tenants,
respectively, sell a part of their produce in the local market. Accordingly, most crops that
are being sold are the secondary crops like vegetables and root crops in the nearby markets
though a few may go as far as the lowlands. Also, some of the fruit growers revealed that
they have more lands for other crops than fruits. Often, they send their harvest to their
relatives who live in other places. Others may consume it or sell it in their own private
businesses.
There are 65% of the tenants who also sell a part of their harvest. Obviously, there
are more tenants than landlords who sell. This is because they need to sort out income for
their family as they do not have stable jobs.
Added to this, they have revealed that they prefer to plant cash crops as secondary
crops. However, consumption is the common practice for the main crop which is rice.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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Table 4. Crops planted and their utilization
CROPS/UTILIZATION
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Rice
20
100
20
100
Corn
4
20
6
30
Vegetables
6
40
14
70
Root crops
5
25
11
55
Fruits
2
10
0
0
*Multiple response
Consume
20
100
20
100
Sell
9
45
13
65
*Multiple response
Existing Land Tenurial Arrangements
All the respondents are involved in share tenancy and all the respondents are
involved in verbal contract
There is basically one major type of tenurial arrangement existing in the area, that
is, crop sharing.
Crop sharing is a system of agriculture by which a landowner allows a tenant to use
the land in return for a share of the crop produced on the land. A tenant is assigned a piece
of land to work on and in exchange owes the landlord a share of the crop at the end of the
season. (Petersen, 1991)
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There are different situations and types of agreements that have encompassed the
system. Normally, a crop sharing agreement would specify which party was expected to
cover certain expenses, like seed, fertilizer, weed control, irrigation and fuel. If the tenant
spent more than his landlord, he is expected to a larger share of the crop in return. The
agreement would also indicate whether the tenant would use his own equipment to raise
the crops, or use the landlord's equipment.
Crop share for some are governed by tradition and by norms. As observed, crop
sharing is a common practice for both types of tenurial strata in the area. According to the
respondents, this has been a long-lived tradition of tenurial arrangement.
Lands in the area are inherited from generations to generations which give the land
a deeper meaning and bond among those who have inherited it. It is not a welcoming idea
to sell the land to other people outside the bloodline since land is a gift and a symbol of
prestige handed down by their forefathers who have settled many land disputes to rightfully
accumulate the land.
According to the respondents, there are many native practices to settle land
disputes. One is the “Bultung,” whereby disputing men grapple and wrestle each other until
one of them is ousted away from the land they are trying to claim. The man who remains
on the land gets to claim it under his name. The “Dau” is also another practice whereby the
claimants dip their arms in boiling water for two to three days and whoever has less burns
and blisters is acknowledged to be the owner of the land. The “Uggub” is also another way
of settling land disputes whereby the disputing parties stand at a certain distance and try to
hit each other’s back with an arrow made of a plant. The person who hits more will have
the right to claim the land.
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There are also feasts and rituals wherein animals are butchered to be offered to the
spirits, plead for blessings for the land and drive away any bad luck from the family. For
some during harvest, there is chanting, singing of hymns and cooking of rice cakes and
wine making celebrated by the family and their neighbors in gratitude to the heavens and
to ask for a bountiful harvest again.
Added to this, they shared that there is an unspoken vow to protect the family title.
They shared that they prefer to have tenants from their families to ensure that the duty to
care for the land is secured. In this case when tenants are also their relatives, share cropping
is all the more preferred because it does not seem good to have their own relatives pay
them monetarily. It is enough for them to simply have a share of the harvest. In this way,
land is kept within the family that allows it to be inherited by the next generation of
relatives. Needless to say, crop sharing is a way to maintain and preserve the land within
the family tree. If it was settled for lease, it would be among family members only for
easier access to having it back. Nevertheless, having lands for lease is the last thing a man
in need would do.
It should be noted that the landlord and his tenant negotiates between them the
terms and conditions of the sharing. This is often done by verbal agreement; therefore, it
can be subjected to changes when called for. A verbal agreement is regarded because
written contract seems to impose a question of morality which is vehemently being
avoided.
A good working relationship begins with a good arrangement and understanding
that is founded on trust. That is, a verbal agreement is a proof of trust among the
participants and that both parties put their confidence on each other.
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There is no need for a written contract to ensure that the settlements are followed
accordingly. This, according to the respondents, is enough foundation for a working
environment.
Crop sharing may also take another meaning in the area. That is, it takes the context
of sharing the produce among family members for household consumption.
It is significant to take note that the result revealed that all the respondents tend to
share their fruits of labor among their family members instead of selling them all. Some
respondents shared that to distribute the produce among family members is a way of
sharing the blessings of the inherited land. The respondents believe that sharing the harvest
is a way of expressing their gratitude to the heavens for having a bountiful harvest.
They tend to either consume all their harvest or sell a part of it. However, selling is
done only when the family often the tenants have to sort out sources of income for their
needs especially when emergency situations like accidents and sickness in the family
arises.
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Table 5. Existing land tenurial arrangements
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Tenure system
Share cropping
20
100
20
100
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Type of contract
Verbal/Informal
20
100
20
100
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Mode of payment
By Crop share
20
100
20
100
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Arrangements of Share Tenancy
Crop sharing comes in many forms. For most, it is based on the main crop only. All
other crops being planted within the land may not be subjected to the sharing depending
upon the agreed terms. But more often, the secondary crops are owned by the tenant and
so are the inputs needed to raise them.
The inputs provided by the landlord are for the main crop only unless they are
allowed by the landlord to have it used for other crops.
It lies between the landlord and his tenant how they will share with the inputs. Since
it is a verbal agreement, they can talk among themselves who should provide inputs that
have not been covered during their initial agreements.
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Both the participants can always converse and have the agreement subjected to
changes until they settle on a more satisfying settlement. These agreements can fall under
the three major types of share cropping in the area. These are:
Type 1: 15-85 sharing. In this type of sharing, the landlord shoulders all the inputs.
He spends for all the needs of the farm and the tenant provides only the labor which is paid
by having 15 percent share of the harvest and 85 percent to the landlord.
Type 2: 70-30 sharing. The essence of this agreement is to allow the tenant to
operate the land on his own. He spends for all the inputs and pays the land he used by
sharing 30 percent of the total harvest to the landlord after which, he gets his seventy
percent share
Type 3: 50-50 sharing. This type of sharing involves sharing the total harvest or
produce equally between the landlord and the tenant. That is, 50 percent goes to the
landlord and the other 50 percent goes to the tenant.
The sources of inputs for this kind of agreement are shouldered by both the tenants
and the landlord.
For most cases, the landlord provides the seeds, fertilizers, insecticides,
maintenance and harvesting operations. The tenant provides labor and other inputs that
may arise during the operation.
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Table 6. Share cropping agreement
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Conditions for input
sharing
Shouldered by
3
15
2
10
landlord
Shouldered by
11
55
13
65
tenant
Shared with
6
30
5
25
landlord
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Sharing arrangement
on harvest
50-50 sharing
6
30
5
25
30-70 sharing
11
55
13
65
15-85 sharing
3
15
2
10
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Perception of Respondents Toward Tenurial Arrangements
Table 6 presents that majority (55%) of the landlords provides other benefits aside
from farming needs and some (40%) of the tenants have agreed that they receive other
provisions from their landlord that may not be included in the arrangement.
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The benefits being provided for and being received are medicines, gifts like clothes,
toys for the children, food and scholarship for the children of the tenants. In some cases,
the able children of the tenant are also being employed for other labor and paid in cash by
the landlord. With good relations built on trust, there are landlords and tenants who
continue their working relationship that lasts for generations.
The tenant and his family members who proved their loyalty are being given
priority when the landlord needs to hire more labor for other kinds of jobs apart from
farming. Some landlords and their tenant become partners in business.
However, some (35%) of the tenants feel that there is an unfair settlement especially
when tenant has to spend his own money when there are inputs that the landlord did not
provide
On the other hand, a few (10%) of the landlords said that the sharing is unfair
especially when the tenants use the inputs they provide for to other crops being planted
especially when the arrangement is based only on the main crop.
Table 7. Benefits and perception of the respondents toward the arrangement
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
(Provided by landlord)
(Received by tenant)
F
%
F
%
Benefits from landlord
With benefits
11
55
8
40
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Table 7. continued…
Without benefits
9
45
12
60
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Perception
Fair
18
90
14
70
Unfair
2
10
6
30
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Problems and Constraints
Table 8 presents that majority (70%) of the landlords and most (80%) of the tenants
have said that they have difficulty in maintaining a good irrigation system. Following this,
a majority (65%) and (75%) of the landlord and tenants, respectively have problems on the
incomprehensiveness of the agreement.
Repair expense during natural calamities. The respondents find it difficult to restore
the field in time for the next cropping especially when the necessary needs to repair the
farm are lacking and are sometimes not provided for by landlords that compel them to
spend.
Maintenance of irrigation system. According to the respondents, it is difficult to
maintain the irrigation system because it requires expensive costs. Sometimes, landlord
cannot provide enough funds for the maintenance and tenant has to seek for other water
sources which make farming all the more difficult.
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Provision for additional inputs. Many of the farmers reported that they are having
problems in treating plant diseases and controlling the pests and rodents that attack the
farms. Farmers have complained about snails, rats, birds, locusts, eel and many insects that
feed on their crops.
Sometimes, there is a growing misunderstanding between the landlord and his
tenant when it comes to additional expenses for insecticides, pesticides and fertilizers
because one feels that he is already spending beyond the settlement and refuses to spend
more.
Disagreeable attitudes of the two tenure strata. According to the tenants, the
landlords tend to impose rules that become apprehensive and inconsiderate during certain
situations when tenant seeks out other additional jobs in other farms. Furthermore, they are
restricted to work on other farms because they might become unfocused on the farm.
On the other hand, the landlords have revealed that there are tenants who become
dishonest in many ways such as the use of farm inputs to other farms or crops that is not
part of the sharing. Also, there are tenants who ask for cash too many times for additional
inputs and actually use them for their other crops.
Some tend to improperly leave the farms while they work on other farms, as it
happens; they become unmindful of their duties. Others prioritize their secondary crops for
their personal benefit as they use the land meant for the main crop only.
Incomprehensive terms of the agreement. According to the respondents, problems
arise when there are changes that do not satisfy either the landlord or the tenant especially
when problems arise and the needs of the farm become costly.
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Both the respondents become highly apprehensive to spend more since one thinks
the other should be accommodating the additional needed materials.
Since the agreement do not completely cover unforeseen situations, the respondents
become uncertain of who should shoulder additional inputs.
Table 8. Problems faced by respondents in the tenure arrangements
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Problems
Repair expense
11
55
13
65
after calamities
Maintenance of
14
70
16
80
irrigation system
Provisions for
10
50
11
55
additional inputs
Disagreeable
12
60
12
60
attitudes of the
participants
Incomprehensive
13
65
15
75
terms of the
agreement
*Multiple response
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
This study “A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System in Kiangan, Ifugao”
was conducted to identify the existing land tenure systems, describe the terms and
conditions of the agreement between the landlord and tenant and determine the problems
encountered by the landlord and the tenant. This study was conducted from December 2012
to January 2013.
The respondents of the study were 20 landlords and 20 tenants scattered among the
barangays of the area. The data were collected by personal interview using survey
questionnaires. The frequency method was used in the analysis of the data.
Most of the landlords were at the age of 46 to above 65 years and the tenants were
relatively younger mostly at the age below 45 years. With regards to education, there was
an extreme difference between the landlords who only 10 percent of them did not finish
college while only 2 percent of the tenants graduated.
All the respondents were involved in farming but majority of the landlords were
employed in other stable jobs providing them a good source of income while majority of
the tenants were employed in contractual services that are normally irregular and with little
pay. Some were also business owners and employees of livestock production and
merchandize and handicraft stores.
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The respondents were involved in farming from 1 to more than 30 years. They were
mostly married and a few are single and widowed. Most landlords have a household of 4
to 6 members and half of the tenants have more than 6 members.
A majority of the landlords have two to three hectares of land while most of the
tenants access land from one to two hectares. All the respondents plant rice as main crop.
Other crops planted are corn, vegetables, root crops and fruit trees. For all the respondents,
they consume the harvest especially for the main crop. At times, they also sell a part of the
harvest usually in the local and nearby markets for additional income.
When it comes to tenure arrangements, all of the respondents are involved in share
cropping. There are three types of landlord and tenant sharing: 50:50 share, 15:85 share
and 30:70 share. The sources of inputs depend upon the agreement. It may be shared by
both the landlord or his tenant or it maybe shouldered solely by the landlord or vice versa.
There are no written contracts since the respondents prefer verbal agreements by
which they can subject to changes when called for.
Some of the respondents revealed that they regard the arrangement as unfair during
certain situations. However, the tenants do not find it fitting to complain since they rely on
the land they till for their sustenance.Nevertheless, tenants mentioned that the landlords
provide some benefits that are not part of the agreement.
Furthermore, the respondents added that they experience many problems like
problems on the repair of farm after calamities, maintenance of irrigation system,
incomprehensive tenurial agreement, and disagreeable attitudes of the tenurial strata, rising
needs and additional expenses and misunderstanding among the respondents.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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Conclusions
It is significant to note that all the respondents are involved in crop sharing that may
fall under the three major types of agreement: 50-50 sharing, 30-70 sharing and 15-85
sharing. Therefore, it is safe to say that share cropping is a dominant tenurial arrangement
in the area because it existed for many years that it became a tradition. It had become an
unwritten code among the people that defines the working relations among landlords and
tenant. However, there are still existing imperfections.
Recommendations
The area may not be under the agrarian reform law, however, it is also
recommended, that existing policies should be reviewed and developed governing the land
tenure practices that may improve arrangements among landlords and tenants. This is to
promote better working relations among the farmers that may encourage them to improve
working efficiency and produce more.
It is also recommended that in order to promote a comprehensive working
agreement, a written contract should be considered to properly define the terms and
conditions of the agreement that will help avoid disputes among the tenurial strata.
.
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LITERATURE CITED
ACQUAYE, B. 2000. Land Tenure the Asia Pacific. Food and Agriculture
Organization, Via delle Terme di Carcalla, Rome. Pp. 14, 16, 97.
AWASTHI, B.D. 1988. Land Tenure System among Rice Farmers in Parsa District,
Nepal. M.S. Thesis. Benguet State University. Pp. 21, 24, 31-40.
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. 2005. Land Tenure and Rural
Development.
Retrieved
July
30,
2012
from
http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/Y4307E/y4307e05.html.
FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION. 2003. Land Reform, Land Settlement
and Cooperatives. University of the South Pacific. Suva, Fiji. Pp. 9, 13, 71-76.
GARVELINK, W.J. 2007. Land Tenure, Property Rights, and Rural Economic
Development
in
Africa.
Retrieved
September
9,
2012
from
http://www.everyculture.com/East-Southeast-Asia/Ifugao-Sociopolitical.htm.
GLOBAL AGRICULTURE POLICY INSTITUTE. 2003. Food Security, Sustainability
and Rural Development in Asia-Pacific. South Pacific. Pp. 24, 25.
HILDEMANN, P., A.B. QUIZON, R.V. POLESTICO. 1998. Agrarian reform in the
Philippines: Status and Perspectives for 1998 and Beyond. German Agro Action,
Adenauralleeb134, 53113 Bonn, Germany and
International
Institute
of
Rural reconstruction, Y.C. James Yen Center, Silang, Cavite, Philippines. Pp. 10-
18.
INTERNATIONAL LAND COALITION. 2006. A Resource Book on Enhancing Access
of the Poor to Land and common Property Resources. International Land
Coalition. Via del Serafico, 107, Rome, Italy. Pp. 66, 67.
KUHNEN, F. 2007. Land Tenure and Agrarian Reform in Asia. Retrieved August 15,
2012 from http://www.professor-frithjof-kuhnen.de/publications/land-tenure-
asia/0.htm.
MUNICIPAL AGRICULTURE OFFICE. 2005. The Primary Sector. Retrieved August
25, 2012 from http://www.kianganifugao/agricutlure-publication/html.
PETERSEN, J.B. 1991. Land tenure and the Small Farmer in Asia. Food and Fertilizer
Technology Center. Agriculture Building 14, Wen Chow St. Taipei,
Taiwan. Pp. 3, 16-20.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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ANUDON, LA MARIA VICTORIA C. MARCH 2013. A Diagnostic Analysis of
the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao. Benguet State University, La
Trinidad, Benguet.
Adviser: Jovita M. Sim, MSc.
ABSTRACT
This was conducted to: identify the land tenure systems practiced by landlords and
landless tenants; describe the terms and conditions of the agreement between the landlords
and the tenants; and determine the problems encountered by the respondents in the terms
and conditions of the agreement. This study was conducted in Kiangan, Ifugao from
December 2012 to February 2013.
All of the respondents were involved in share cropping. There were three types of
landlord and tenant sharing such as 50:50 share, 15:85 share and 30:70 share. The
conditions of inputs depended upon the type of share cropping. It may be shared by both
the landlord or his tenant or it may be shouldered solely by the landlord or vice versa.
There were no written contracts since the respondents preferred verbal agreements
by which they could subject to changes when called for.
Furthermore, the respondents added that they experienced many problems like
problems on the repair of farm after calamities, maintenance of irrigation system,
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
ANUDON, LA MARIA VICTORIA C. MARCH 2013
incomprehensive tenure agreement, disagreeable attitudes of the tenure strata, additional
expenses and misunderstanding between the landlord and tenant.
In conclusion, there are still existing imperfections of the share cropping agreement
even if it was practiced for generations.
Thus, it is recommended that the existing policies should be reviewed and
developed governing the land tenure practices that may improve arrangements among
landlords and tenants and it is also recommended that in order to promote a comprehensive
working agreement, a written contract should be considered to properly define the terms
and conditions of the agreement that will help avoid disputes among the tenurial strata.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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INTRODUCTION
Rationale
Land is the most basic economic resource in all corners of the world especially in
developing countries with a large rural population. It is the mainstay of human life from
where man derives his sustenance.
According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (2003), the problem of land
tenure and its relationship to rural productivity is currently receiving serious attention in
most developing countries. One must constantly bear in mind that in predominantly
agricultural communities, the form of tenure constitutes the social framework of
production. It is thus of immense importance to address who has the right to cultivate land
and on what terms
In Kiangan, Ifugao, most of the inhabitants are dependent on agriculture as their
source of livelihood. It is a 4th class municipality with a land area of 20,419.20 hectares
devoted to agricultural potentials. It used to be branded as the “Vegetable Bowl of Ifugao,”
being the main source of vegetables in the province; however, production had decreased in
recent years and already overtaken by other municipalities (MAO, 2005).
According to the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO, 2003), the form of
social structure and productivity are in direct and close relationship with the form of land
tenure. The security of land tenure need not amount to ownership of the land. A tenant’s
security may be as good as his landlord when the conditions are efficiently regulated.
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The Global Agriculture and Policy Institute (GAPI, 2003) revealed that insecure
tenure creates uncertainties that lead sub-optimal outcomes both for short-term agricultural
output and sustainable development. Furthermore, while ownership can be the surest way
to have access to land, it does not have to be the only way. The more important thing,
according to GAPI, is that the security is properly defined. That is, regulations are
pertaining to even tenancy arrangements. In fact, ownership may not even be affordable.
It is in this premise that this study is formulated.
Importance of the Study
The result of this study would provide essential information for policy makers who
attempt to improve the economic situation of the farmers through better tenurial
arrangements. Also, it would help in assessing the tenurial problems and conditions that
will serve as basis for the proper authorities to take proper action to increase efficiency and
productivity of land use. Lastly, it will help other researchers with a similar study.
Statement of the Problem
This study addressed the following questions:
1. What are the tenure systems practiced between a landlord and a landless tenant
in Kiangan, Ifugao;
2. What are the terms and conditions set by the agreement between the tenant and
the landlord; and,
3. What are the problems encountered by the landlord and tenant in the terms and
conditions of the agreement?
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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Objectives of the Study
This research study aimed to:
1. identify the land tenure systems practiced by a landlord and a landless tenant in
Kiangan, Ifugao;
2. describe the terms and conditions of the agreement between the landlord and the
tenant; and,
3. determine the problems encountered by the respondents in the terms and
conditions of the agreement.
Scope and Delimitation of the Study
The study focused on gathering information of land tenure arrangements among
landless tenants with a landlord, the terms and conditions of the arrangement and the
problems encountered by the respondents in relation to land tenancy.
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REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Revisiting Land Reforms
According to Hildemann et al. (1998), the Spanish occupation started private
ownership of land. All public lands were converted to crown lands and were awarded to
Spanish officials, the military men and the clergy.
At the end of the 18th century, sharecropping arrangements were introduced
between landlord and tenant, with the land owner usually getting more than half of the
share and more if the landlord provided the inputs. Lands were being acquired by buying
and settling on unoccupied land and getting it registered and titled as private land but, only
a few Filipinos were able to acquire land. In many cases, the people borrowed from
businessmen and other land owners to purchase lands. In return, these lenders took their
lands as collateral. (Hildemann et al., 1998)
Extreme disparities in land distribution were rampant. Large tracts of land ended
up in the hands of the few who had descended from the Spaniards, Chinese traders and
Filipinos who collaborated with the colonizers. A majority of the Filipino population lived
in complete dependence on their landlords and suffered terrible poverty. With the coming
of the Americans, lands were purchased from the church and resold to the tenants.
However, the poor cannot afford the price so lands were taken by the Americans. There
were many government programs that intended to establish access of the Filipinos to land.
The introduction of land titling systems, the Homestead Act and land ceilings gave rise to
new landed mestizo class. (Hildemann et al., 1998)
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The majority of the population could not undergo the expensive registration
process. After all, it fell on the hands of the elite and upper classes.
The hunger for land awoke upheavals and uprisings the years after. The first
attempt at land Reform was Presidential Decree (PD) 27, declared by then President
Ferdinand Marcos in 1972 under Martial law. But it was limited only among tenanted rice
and corn lands.
In 1986, the People’s Power Revolution ended the martial rule and propelled
Republic Act 6657 which instituted the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL).
The bill was debated intensely in and out the halls of congress. Due to mass demonstrations,
CARL was compromised. Much of the compromise was in favor of the landowners while
the militant groups denounced it as pro-landowner.
The CARL set the implementation of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform in June
1988. It specified that property bears social function and therefore, the right to own land or
other property also bears the obligation to use it according to norms that are agreed upon
and are beneficial to the society.
Agrarian Reform constitutes a major change in the structure of ownership of
agricultural land. In the Philippines, it seeks to solve centuries-old problems of rural
landlessness. It aims to change land tenure relationships and change the current culture of
exclusion so that the poor gains access to credit, technology and markets. Lastly, it aims
for the poor to become active participants in the development programs of the government.
A just distribution, equality and ecologically-sound agricultural production, welfare
of farmworkers, social justice and rural development were the immediate aims of the
reform program. (Hildemann et. al., 1998)
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A study conducted by the FAO (2003) found that despite the many constraints and
resistances, the Agrarian Reform program in the country is positive and encouraging. It
benefited at least a significant portion of the rural population towards the overall
development of the country. The study further stated that agrarian reform is not simply land
distribution but access to land is coupled with the security of tenure to motivate investment
and incentive to increase productivity.
Land Tenure and Access to Land
Poverty is still a rural phenomenon in the Philippines. Three-quarters of the poor
live in the rural-areas and the majority depends on agriculture and related industries for
employment and income. Struggling through this phase of rural poverty is the so called
unequal system of land tenure. Its impact in retarding agricultural development and farm
investment is well known. (GAPI, 2003)
Land tenure is the set of rules that determines how land is used, possessed,
leveraged, sold, or in other ways disposed within societies. These rules may be established
by the state or by custom, and rights may accrue to individuals, families, communities, or
organizations (Garvelink, 2007). Rules of tenure define how property rights to land are to
be allocated within societies. They define how access is granted rights to use, control, and
transfer land, as well as associated responsibilities and restraints. Rural landlessness,
according to FAO (2003), is a predictor of poverty. Inadequate rights of access to land and
insecure tenure impedes rural development.
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Access to land had been a central issue in recent years. The rights of access may have their
origin in the use of the land over a long period. They are often rights developed by ancestral
occupation and by the use of land by ancestral societies. According to the Economic and
Social Development Department (2005), people also use a wide range of strategies to gain
access to land by purchasing which often uses capital accumulated while working as
migrants in urban areas. In some countries, the only method for small farmers to gain
formal access to vacant or abandoned land and to bring it into productive use is by adverse
possession and prescription of land (the acquisition of rights through possession for a
prescribed period of time). Others use leasing or gaining access to land by paying rent to
the owner. Through sharecropping, land is accessed in return for paying the owner a
percentage of the production. Some may inherit land or squat illegally on land. In addition
to individual strategies of gaining access, land can be granted by the intervention of the
government. It is of great importance to create frameworks and programs that enhances
fair access to land which will promote a just social structure.
Security of Tenure and Agricultural Productivity
Presently, there are great debates that tenure security is the transfer of land from
large land owners to the landless and land poor.
A study by Petersen (1991) revealed that without security of tenure, households are
impaired in their ability to secure sufficient food and to enjoy sustainable rural livelihood.
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Many argue that security can arise only when there is full private ownership. That
is, only an owner enjoys secure rights while holders of fewer rights have insecure tenure
because they are dependent on the will of the owner. (Petersen, 1991)
As published by the FAO (2003), equating security with transfer rights to sell and
mortgage is true to a few parts of the world but not among many others. In some areas of
the Philippines, the beneficiaries of land reform refused lands that were being awarded to
them because they are dependent on their landlords for other farm inputs. Others have sold
their lands or mortgaged their rights due to reasons of urgent need of money and rampant
poverty.
According to the International Land Coalition (2006), adequate tenure security does
not necessarily mean ownership but what the rural people need, how land can be efficiently
utilized and how tenants undertake investment in the land. The uncertainty undermines the
incentives of the tenants to make long-term investment. Security of tenure lies in the
assurance that the rural poor is provided access to land, the person’s rights are duly
recognized, protected and that investment in agriculture is promoted.
There are widespread acknowledgements that secure access to land and property
rights promote and expand the rural economy. When the poor are able to access and use
their lands to secure credit and financial services, more livelihood options open up for
them. Security of tenure is the first step to agricultural productivity. Farmers are reasonably
secure that their families eat three meals a day and enough money is left to send their
children to school (Kuhnen, 2007).
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Furthermore, according to Kuhnen (2007), when tenure is insecure, farmers have
no incentive to make investments. Farmers are inclined to milk the land for all its worth
instead of giving back what it takes from the soil.
The resulting degradation of the land threats the livelihood of millions of farmers and put
food security at risk. This holds true not just among tenants who feel that their tenure is
uncertain but also for those holding short-term use rights. People with insecure tenure face
the risk that their rights to land will be threatened by competing claims, and even lost as a
result of eviction. Without security of tenure, households are significantly impaired in their
ability to secure sufficient food and to enjoy sustainable rural livelihoods.
According to Acquaye (2000), it is widely recognized that improvement in security
of tenure, to some extent, plays a major role in agricultural productivity because it is that
which encourages or discourages a farmer to invest in the farm. Tenure security provides
key assets for poverty reduction, allowing the poor to help themselves by growing food
and investing in more productive activities. A secure tenure will encourage a farmer to
invest for he will be sure to reap the benefits of his labor and thus increase productivity.
Typology of Filipino Peasants by Tenure and Access to Land
The International Land Coalition (ILC, 2006) study stated that the types of Filipino
peasants today are defined by their land holdings and labor arrangements.
Type 1. The subsistence owner-cultivator, commonly found in upland or rain-fed
areas, a small settler in a pioneer area; the peasant with his own family, independent and
bound to traditional agriculture.
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Type 2. The “Kasama” sharecropper of a small landlord or a landless worker who
hires out his labor to other small farmers in seasonal periods through sub-tenancy
arrangements or labor arrangements that are actually disguised forms of share tenancy.
Type 3. The share tenant or lessee of a hacienda whose patron to client relations are
more pronounced and with expectations of landlord reciprocity.
Type 4. The “hacienda” worker who is either a permanent or a migrant, like the
“dumaans” and “sacadas” of the Negros and Panay sugar areas; under an administrative
hierarchy composed of “encargado, cabo and contratista.”; haciendas of this type continue
to adopt traditional methods of agriculture resulting in inefficient production and high
costs of cheap labor.
Type 5. The agricultural worker, regular or casual, within a plantation that is
capital-intensive, export-oriented and oftentimes, linked to translational corporations for
capital and marketing requirements.
Type 6. A member of a farm or land consolidation project wherein production and
credit marketing activities are stressed. Communal ownership of the land is invoked.
Cultural minorities with a tradition of communal landownership may fit in this category
once easier access to credit and market is afforded.
Type 7. A small farmer linked to a cooperative network or a corporation.
Type 8. The individual small farmer receiving some government support in the
form of a crop loan, irrigation service and farm-to-market roads. Without farmers’
organization or cooperative, however, these services are limited or may be curtailed.
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Definition of Terms
Agreement. This refers to the land tenure arrangements that the landlord and tenant
will agree upon.
Income share. This refers to the net income after selling the harvest shared by the
landlord and tenant.
Input. This refers to the material needs of the farm ranging from production to
harvesting operations such as seeds, fertilizers, insecticides and chemicals.
Landlord. This refers to the owner of the land.
Lease. This refers to the tenure system wherein the tenant pays the landlord a fixed
amount (rent) for the use of his land.
Mode of payment. This refers to the amount or crop share that is used to pay the
landlord by the tenant for his use of the land or by the landlord to the tenant for his labor.
Share cropping/ Share tenancy. The tenants will have to pay the landlord in the
form of the crop share in return for his land use. It may also mean that the crop is shared
among family members.
Security of Tenure. This refers to the productivity and efficiency of land tenure
system that benefits both the tenant and his landlord.
Tenant. This refers to the landless farmer who cultivates the land rented from the
landlord.
Tenure system. This refers to land operating practices existing between a landlord
and a tenant.
Terms and Conditions. This refers to the mode of sharing by the landlord and tenant
in terms of the inputs and share of the harvest.
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METHODOLOGY
Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted in Kiangan, Ifugao where rice fields are found scattered
in patches of terraced land along mountain slopes, plateaus and on the sides of the rivers,
streams and creeks. Other areas are planted with root crops and vegetables that augment
the inadequate rice production. Fruit trees such as bananas, oranges, santol, mangoes,
citrus, rattan and coffee trees are found on non-irrigated slopes, on the mountains, on
hillsides and at the backyards of residents.
The study was conducted from December 2012 to January 2013.
Respondents of the Study
There were (20) tenant farmers and (20) landlords who were identified through
purposive sampling. They were determined according to the type of tenancy they are in.
Data Gathering Procedure
A survey questionnaire was distributed to the respondents together with personal
interview for validation.
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Data Gathered
The expected data included the tenure systems, the terms and agreement of the
tenurial arrangement and problems faced by the respondents that are related to the tenurial
arrangements.
Data Analysis
The data were analyzed using frequency analysis and descriptive method.
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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This section is divided into three parts. The first part chiefly discusses the profile
of the respondents in terms of age, civil status, number of dependent members, educational
attainment, source of income, annual income and years of experience in farming.
The second part tackles the crops being planted and whether the respondents
consume or sell their harvest, the different terms and conditions of the existing tenurial
arrangements, the perception of the respondents whether the arrangement is fair or unfair,
the benefits provided for by the landlords. Lastly, the problems encountered by the
respondents in the tenurial arrangements are enumerated.
Profile of the Respondents
Age. Greater proportions (40%) were at the age of 46 to 55 years old. There are few
(5%) who are above 65 years. On the other hand, a greater proportion (40%) of the tenants
is relatively younger at 36-45.
This finding shows that most of the landlords were generally older than the tenants.
Civil status. A majority (75%) and most (80%) of the landlords and tenants were
married, respectively. Some (20 %) of the landlords are widowed and others (5%) are
single. Meanwhile, there were 15% widowed tenants and a few (5%) are single.
This finding shows that there were more married people who are involved in land
tenancy either as a landlord or a tenant. There were also single individuals who involve
themselves in farming for additional source of income.
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Educational attainment. The landlords generally have finished college at 90% and
high school at 10%. There were no landlords who have not finished elementary level.
Meanwhile, majority (60 %) of the tenants reached elementary but did not pursue higher
education. Some (15 %) continued on to high school and a few (10%) finished college. The
rest (15%) did not have any formal education.
As expected, most (90%) of the tenants did not finish school or have not received
any formal education. This is in contrast with the landlords, who, mostly (90%) graduated
college. According to Awasthi (1988), it is not illogical to argue that ownership of land
provides the landlord and his family members a greater access to education because as
security of tenure is assured, their preferences are oriented to other items such as education.
Meanwhile, education is a sacrifice for most of the tenants in terms of salary foregone for
the labor that the family members could have provided for in the farm.
Number of dependent family members. Table 1 shows that there is a difference of
the respondents in terms of number of dependents or household members they have. The
majority (65%) of the landlords have household members ranging from four to six
members. Some (15%) have above six members and 20% had one to three family members.
Half (50%) of the tenants have family members above six and 40% at four to six members.
The rest (10 %) have one to three members.
This finding reveals that more tenants have more household or dependent family
members. According to the respondents, this trend can be attributed to the capacity of the
landlords to send their children away and live in other places to venture on greener pastures.
As observed, most of the children of the landlords reside in the cities or travelled abroad
leaving their parents to hire labor to tend to their farms.
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As for the tenants, their children share with the labor in the farm and more often
than not, merge their families in their parents’ household. This is because their family does
not have enough resources to send their children away like the landlords do.
Years of experience in farming. Table 1 showed that majority (60%) of the
landlords have been involved in farming for twenty to thirty years and 25% for the
landlords who have been farming for ten to twenty years. A few (10 %) have been in
farming for more than thirty years and 5% for less than ten years.
Meanwhile, a majority (75 %) the tenants have worked in the farm for one to twenty
years and 20% for those who have been farming for twenty to thirty years and the rest (5
%) for more than thirty years.
This can be explained by the age difference of the respondents were landlords are
generally older than the tenants and have been in farming quite longer than the tenants.
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Table 1. Profile of the respondents
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Age bracket
15-25
0
0
4
20
36-45
6
30
8
40
46-55
8
40
5
25
56-65
5
25
3
15
Above 65
1
5
0
0
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Civil status
Single
1
5
3
15
Married
15
75
16
80
Widowed
4
20
1
5
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Educational Attainment
None
0
0
3
15
Elementary
0
0
12
60
High school
2
10
3
15
College
18
90
2
10
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
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Table 1. continued…
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Number of dependent
family members
F
%
F
%
None
0
0
0
0
1-3
4
20
2
10
4-6
13
65
8
40
Above 6
3
15
10
50
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Years of experience in farming
1-10 years
1
5
8
40
10-20 years
5
25
7
35
20-30 years
12
60
4
20
Above 30 yrs.
2
10
1
5
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Sources of Income
All of the tenants reported farming as their major source of income. In addition,
some (40%) of the tenants were involved in short-term employment like clerical jobs and
contractual services like carpentry, machine operators and assemblers. On the other hand,
all of the landlords were involved in farming but majority (75%) were employed in public
and private agencies as their primary source of income.
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Some (20%) have their own businesses like sari-sari store, hog and poultry raising,
shops, restaurants and handicraft stores.
Annual Income
Long-term employment refers to permanent jobs either in government or private
agencies and receiving regular salary while short-term employment are contractual services
that are short-lived and are normally irregular with no stable salary. Business refers to the
ventures of individuals who own their private businesses like large general merchandizing
establishments to small grocery stores, woodcarving stores, restaurants and livestock
production.
Of the twenty landlords, majority (60%) earn income above P75, 000 annually.
Some (40%) earn income ranging from P45, 000 to P75, 000. These are the non-working
landlords who tend to manage the farms and receive allowances from their well-off
children and their retirement fees.
There is a great difference with that of the tenants where none of the respondents
earn income above P65, 000. A majority (75%) earn from P30, 000 to P45, 000. Some
(15%) earn P15, 000 to P30, 000 and only (10%) earn P45, 000 to P65, 000.
As presented, there is an obvious difference of the annual incomes of the two
tenurial strata. It should be noted that the annual income from other sources of income is
higher than that of farming. This situation can be explained by the employment factors of
the respondents. There are no tenants involved in long-term employment in private or
public agencies that could be a result of their poor educational attainment. In addition, since
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contractual services are short lived and irregular, they are not provided with a stable source
of income.
Whereas, there are many landlords who are employed in stable jobs that provide
them with higher and regular pay. Included to this, is the fact that some landlords have
other business ventures that add to their income.
Land Area
Majority (60%) of the landlords own 2 to 3 hectares of land. The other 20 percent
own lands from one to two hectares. There are 15 percent with more than three hectares
and 5 percent who own less than a hectare.
A majority (55%) of the tenants cultivate land less than a hectare, while there are
about 30 percent who cultivate 1 to two hectares and 15 percent for those who cultivate
two to three hectares.
An explanation to this because a landlord may have more than one tenant who has
to share with other tenants the land to be cultivated, therefore, allowing them only a portion
of the landlord’s land.
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Table 2. Sources and annual income
SOURCE/ ANNUAL INCOME
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Farming
20
100
20
100
Long-term employment
15
75
0
0
Short-term employment
0
0
4
20
Business
4
20
3
15
*Multiple response
P15,000- 30,000
0
0
3
15
P30,001-45,000
0
0
15
75
P45,001-60,000
4
20
2
10
P60,001-75,000
4
20
0
0
Above P75,000
12
60
0
0
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
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Table 3. Land area owned by landlord and land area cultivated by tenant
LAND AREA
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
(Owned by landlord)
(Cultivated by tenant)
F
%
F
%
< 1 hectare
1
5
11
0
1-2 hectares
4
20
6
15
2-3 hectares
12
60
3
30
> 3 hectares
3
15
0
55
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Crops and Utilization
Table 4 reveals that for all the landlords and the tenants plant rice as the common
main crop.
According to data of MA0 (2005), rice being the staple food of the people is the
main crop planted in the municipality. The culture revolves around rice which is considered
a prestige crop. There are various rice culture feasts connected with taboos and agricultural
rites ranging from rice cultivation to rice consumption. Many practices are linked with the
crop; however, there are those who converted their rice lands into vegetable patches
because they prefer cash crops to raising rice.
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Many rice fields are converted to vegetable gardens. The common vegetables being
planted now are tomatoes, eggplant, wing beans, pepper, cabbage, Chinese cabbage, sweet
peas.
There are fruit trees like coffee, citrus and bananas. Some fruits brought outside the
province usually go to Manila or Baguio for selling.
Also, the table presents that 45% and 65% of the landlords and the tenants,
respectively, sell a part of their produce in the local market. Accordingly, most crops that
are being sold are the secondary crops like vegetables and root crops in the nearby markets
though a few may go as far as the lowlands. Also, some of the fruit growers revealed that
they have more lands for other crops than fruits. Often, they send their harvest to their
relatives who live in other places. Others may consume it or sell it in their own private
businesses.
There are 65% of the tenants who also sell a part of their harvest. Obviously, there
are more tenants than landlords who sell. This is because they need to sort out income for
their family as they do not have stable jobs.
Added to this, they have revealed that they prefer to plant cash crops as secondary
crops. However, consumption is the common practice for the main crop which is rice.
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Table 4. Crops planted and their utilization
CROPS/UTILIZATION
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Rice
20
100
20
100
Corn
4
20
6
30
Vegetables
6
40
14
70
Root crops
5
25
11
55
Fruits
2
10
0
0
*Multiple response
Consume
20
100
20
100
Sell
9
45
13
65
*Multiple response
Existing Land Tenurial Arrangements
All the respondents are involved in share tenancy and all the respondents are
involved in verbal contract
There is basically one major type of tenurial arrangement existing in the area, that
is, crop sharing.
Crop sharing is a system of agriculture by which a landowner allows a tenant to use
the land in return for a share of the crop produced on the land. A tenant is assigned a piece
of land to work on and in exchange owes the landlord a share of the crop at the end of the
season. (Petersen, 1991)
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There are different situations and types of agreements that have encompassed the
system. Normally, a crop sharing agreement would specify which party was expected to
cover certain expenses, like seed, fertilizer, weed control, irrigation and fuel. If the tenant
spent more than his landlord, he is expected to a larger share of the crop in return. The
agreement would also indicate whether the tenant would use his own equipment to raise
the crops, or use the landlord's equipment.
Crop share for some are governed by tradition and by norms. As observed, crop
sharing is a common practice for both types of tenurial strata in the area. According to the
respondents, this has been a long-lived tradition of tenurial arrangement.
Lands in the area are inherited from generations to generations which give the land
a deeper meaning and bond among those who have inherited it. It is not a welcoming idea
to sell the land to other people outside the bloodline since land is a gift and a symbol of
prestige handed down by their forefathers who have settled many land disputes to rightfully
accumulate the land.
According to the respondents, there are many native practices to settle land
disputes. One is the “Bultung,” whereby disputing men grapple and wrestle each other until
one of them is ousted away from the land they are trying to claim. The man who remains
on the land gets to claim it under his name. The “Dau” is also another practice whereby the
claimants dip their arms in boiling water for two to three days and whoever has less burns
and blisters is acknowledged to be the owner of the land. The “Uggub” is also another way
of settling land disputes whereby the disputing parties stand at a certain distance and try to
hit each other’s back with an arrow made of a plant. The person who hits more will have
the right to claim the land.
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There are also feasts and rituals wherein animals are butchered to be offered to the
spirits, plead for blessings for the land and drive away any bad luck from the family. For
some during harvest, there is chanting, singing of hymns and cooking of rice cakes and
wine making celebrated by the family and their neighbors in gratitude to the heavens and
to ask for a bountiful harvest again.
Added to this, they shared that there is an unspoken vow to protect the family title.
They shared that they prefer to have tenants from their families to ensure that the duty to
care for the land is secured. In this case when tenants are also their relatives, share cropping
is all the more preferred because it does not seem good to have their own relatives pay
them monetarily. It is enough for them to simply have a share of the harvest. In this way,
land is kept within the family that allows it to be inherited by the next generation of
relatives. Needless to say, crop sharing is a way to maintain and preserve the land within
the family tree. If it was settled for lease, it would be among family members only for
easier access to having it back. Nevertheless, having lands for lease is the last thing a man
in need would do.
It should be noted that the landlord and his tenant negotiates between them the
terms and conditions of the sharing. This is often done by verbal agreement; therefore, it
can be subjected to changes when called for. A verbal agreement is regarded because
written contract seems to impose a question of morality which is vehemently being
avoided.
A good working relationship begins with a good arrangement and understanding
that is founded on trust. That is, a verbal agreement is a proof of trust among the
participants and that both parties put their confidence on each other.
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There is no need for a written contract to ensure that the settlements are followed
accordingly. This, according to the respondents, is enough foundation for a working
environment.
Crop sharing may also take another meaning in the area. That is, it takes the context
of sharing the produce among family members for household consumption.
It is significant to take note that the result revealed that all the respondents tend to
share their fruits of labor among their family members instead of selling them all. Some
respondents shared that to distribute the produce among family members is a way of
sharing the blessings of the inherited land. The respondents believe that sharing the harvest
is a way of expressing their gratitude to the heavens for having a bountiful harvest.
They tend to either consume all their harvest or sell a part of it. However, selling is
done only when the family often the tenants have to sort out sources of income for their
needs especially when emergency situations like accidents and sickness in the family
arises.
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Table 5. Existing land tenurial arrangements
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Tenure system
Share cropping
20
100
20
100
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Type of contract
Verbal/Informal
20
100
20
100
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Mode of payment
By Crop share
20
100
20
100
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Arrangements of Share Tenancy
Crop sharing comes in many forms. For most, it is based on the main crop only. All
other crops being planted within the land may not be subjected to the sharing depending
upon the agreed terms. But more often, the secondary crops are owned by the tenant and
so are the inputs needed to raise them.
The inputs provided by the landlord are for the main crop only unless they are
allowed by the landlord to have it used for other crops.
It lies between the landlord and his tenant how they will share with the inputs. Since
it is a verbal agreement, they can talk among themselves who should provide inputs that
have not been covered during their initial agreements.
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Both the participants can always converse and have the agreement subjected to
changes until they settle on a more satisfying settlement. These agreements can fall under
the three major types of share cropping in the area. These are:
Type 1: 15-85 sharing. In this type of sharing, the landlord shoulders all the inputs.
He spends for all the needs of the farm and the tenant provides only the labor which is paid
by having 15 percent share of the harvest and 85 percent to the landlord.
Type 2: 70-30 sharing. The essence of this agreement is to allow the tenant to
operate the land on his own. He spends for all the inputs and pays the land he used by
sharing 30 percent of the total harvest to the landlord after which, he gets his seventy
percent share
Type 3: 50-50 sharing. This type of sharing involves sharing the total harvest or
produce equally between the landlord and the tenant. That is, 50 percent goes to the
landlord and the other 50 percent goes to the tenant.
The sources of inputs for this kind of agreement are shouldered by both the tenants
and the landlord.
For most cases, the landlord provides the seeds, fertilizers, insecticides,
maintenance and harvesting operations. The tenant provides labor and other inputs that
may arise during the operation.
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Table 6. Share cropping agreement
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Conditions for input
sharing
Shouldered by
3
15
2
10
landlord
Shouldered by
11
55
13
65
tenant
Shared with
6
30
5
25
landlord
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Sharing arrangement
on harvest
50-50 sharing
6
30
5
25
30-70 sharing
11
55
13
65
15-85 sharing
3
15
2
10
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Perception of Respondents Toward Tenurial Arrangements
Table 6 presents that majority (55%) of the landlords provides other benefits aside
from farming needs and some (40%) of the tenants have agreed that they receive other
provisions from their landlord that may not be included in the arrangement.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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The benefits being provided for and being received are medicines, gifts like clothes,
toys for the children, food and scholarship for the children of the tenants. In some cases,
the able children of the tenant are also being employed for other labor and paid in cash by
the landlord. With good relations built on trust, there are landlords and tenants who
continue their working relationship that lasts for generations.
The tenant and his family members who proved their loyalty are being given
priority when the landlord needs to hire more labor for other kinds of jobs apart from
farming. Some landlords and their tenant become partners in business.
However, some (35%) of the tenants feel that there is an unfair settlement especially
when tenant has to spend his own money when there are inputs that the landlord did not
provide
On the other hand, a few (10%) of the landlords said that the sharing is unfair
especially when the tenants use the inputs they provide for to other crops being planted
especially when the arrangement is based only on the main crop.
Table 7. Benefits and perception of the respondents toward the arrangement
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
(Provided by landlord)
(Received by tenant)
F
%
F
%
Benefits from landlord
With benefits
11
55
8
40
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
ANUDON, LA MARIA VICTORIA C. MARCH 2013
Table 7. continued…
Without benefits
9
45
12
60
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Perception
Fair
18
90
14
70
Unfair
2
10
6
30
TOTAL
20
100
20
100
Problems and Constraints
Table 8 presents that majority (70%) of the landlords and most (80%) of the tenants
have said that they have difficulty in maintaining a good irrigation system. Following this,
a majority (65%) and (75%) of the landlord and tenants, respectively have problems on the
incomprehensiveness of the agreement.
Repair expense during natural calamities. The respondents find it difficult to restore
the field in time for the next cropping especially when the necessary needs to repair the
farm are lacking and are sometimes not provided for by landlords that compel them to
spend.
Maintenance of irrigation system. According to the respondents, it is difficult to
maintain the irrigation system because it requires expensive costs. Sometimes, landlord
cannot provide enough funds for the maintenance and tenant has to seek for other water
sources which make farming all the more difficult.
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Provision for additional inputs. Many of the farmers reported that they are having
problems in treating plant diseases and controlling the pests and rodents that attack the
farms. Farmers have complained about snails, rats, birds, locusts, eel and many insects that
feed on their crops.
Sometimes, there is a growing misunderstanding between the landlord and his
tenant when it comes to additional expenses for insecticides, pesticides and fertilizers
because one feels that he is already spending beyond the settlement and refuses to spend
more.
Disagreeable attitudes of the two tenure strata. According to the tenants, the
landlords tend to impose rules that become apprehensive and inconsiderate during certain
situations when tenant seeks out other additional jobs in other farms. Furthermore, they are
restricted to work on other farms because they might become unfocused on the farm.
On the other hand, the landlords have revealed that there are tenants who become
dishonest in many ways such as the use of farm inputs to other farms or crops that is not
part of the sharing. Also, there are tenants who ask for cash too many times for additional
inputs and actually use them for their other crops.
Some tend to improperly leave the farms while they work on other farms, as it
happens; they become unmindful of their duties. Others prioritize their secondary crops for
their personal benefit as they use the land meant for the main crop only.
Incomprehensive terms of the agreement. According to the respondents, problems
arise when there are changes that do not satisfy either the landlord or the tenant especially
when problems arise and the needs of the farm become costly.
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Both the respondents become highly apprehensive to spend more since one thinks
the other should be accommodating the additional needed materials.
Since the agreement do not completely cover unforeseen situations, the respondents
become uncertain of who should shoulder additional inputs.
Table 8. Problems faced by respondents in the tenure arrangements
PARTICULARS
TENURE STATUS
LANDLORD
TENANT
F
%
F
%
Problems
Repair expense
11
55
13
65
after calamities
Maintenance of
14
70
16
80
irrigation system
Provisions for
10
50
11
55
additional inputs
Disagreeable
12
60
12
60
attitudes of the
participants
Incomprehensive
13
65
15
75
terms of the
agreement
*Multiple response
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
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SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
This study “A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System in Kiangan, Ifugao”
was conducted to identify the existing land tenure systems, describe the terms and
conditions of the agreement between the landlord and tenant and determine the problems
encountered by the landlord and the tenant. This study was conducted from December 2012
to January 2013.
The respondents of the study were 20 landlords and 20 tenants scattered among the
barangays of the area. The data were collected by personal interview using survey
questionnaires. The frequency method was used in the analysis of the data.
Most of the landlords were at the age of 46 to above 65 years and the tenants were
relatively younger mostly at the age below 45 years. With regards to education, there was
an extreme difference between the landlords who only 10 percent of them did not finish
college while only 2 percent of the tenants graduated.
All the respondents were involved in farming but majority of the landlords were
employed in other stable jobs providing them a good source of income while majority of
the tenants were employed in contractual services that are normally irregular and with little
pay. Some were also business owners and employees of livestock production and
merchandize and handicraft stores.
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The respondents were involved in farming from 1 to more than 30 years. They were
mostly married and a few are single and widowed. Most landlords have a household of 4
to 6 members and half of the tenants have more than 6 members.
A majority of the landlords have two to three hectares of land while most of the
tenants access land from one to two hectares. All the respondents plant rice as main crop.
Other crops planted are corn, vegetables, root crops and fruit trees. For all the respondents,
they consume the harvest especially for the main crop. At times, they also sell a part of the
harvest usually in the local and nearby markets for additional income.
When it comes to tenure arrangements, all of the respondents are involved in share
cropping. There are three types of landlord and tenant sharing: 50:50 share, 15:85 share
and 30:70 share. The sources of inputs depend upon the agreement. It may be shared by
both the landlord or his tenant or it maybe shouldered solely by the landlord or vice versa.
There are no written contracts since the respondents prefer verbal agreements by
which they can subject to changes when called for.
Some of the respondents revealed that they regard the arrangement as unfair during
certain situations. However, the tenants do not find it fitting to complain since they rely on
the land they till for their sustenance.Nevertheless, tenants mentioned that the landlords
provide some benefits that are not part of the agreement.
Furthermore, the respondents added that they experience many problems like
problems on the repair of farm after calamities, maintenance of irrigation system,
incomprehensive tenurial agreement, and disagreeable attitudes of the tenurial strata, rising
needs and additional expenses and misunderstanding among the respondents.
A Diagnostic Analysis of the Land Tenure System of Farmers in Kiangan, Ifugao |
ANUDON, LA MARIA VICTORIA C. MARCH 2013
Conclusions
It is significant to note that all the respondents are involved in crop sharing that may
fall under the three major types of agreement: 50-50 sharing, 30-70 sharing and 15-85
sharing. Therefore, it is safe to say that share cropping is a dominant tenurial arrangement
in the area because it existed for many years that it became a tradition. It had become an
unwritten code among the people that defines the working relations among landlords and
tenant. However, there are still existing imperfections.
Recommendations
The area may not be under the agrarian reform law, however, it is also
recommended, that existing policies should be reviewed and developed governing the land
tenure practices that may improve arrangements among landlords and tenants. This is to
promote better working relations among the farmers that may encourage them to improve
working efficiency and produce more.
It is also recommended that in order to promote a comprehensive working
agreement, a written contract should be considered to properly define the terms and
conditions of the agreement that will help avoid disputes among the tenurial strata.
.
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