BIBLIOGRAPHY

DADA-AN, NADAH A. APRIL. 2013. Pansigdan di Padtu: Understanding
Baknaw in Bakun, Benguet. Benguet State University, La Trinidad, Benguet.

Adviser: Michelle B. Gatab, MDevcom

ABSTRACT

The study aimed to describe the practice of „baknaw‟ in Bakun, Benguet. It
identified what is „baknaw‟; described how „baknaw‟ is done; identified the perceived
importance of „baknaw‟ in the community; identified the challenges in the practice of
„baknaw‟ and identified the values involved in the practice of „baknaw‟.
Data were gathered through interview schedule and personal interviews of the one key
informant and 19 elder respondents. Data gathering was conducted on January to February
2013.
Baknaw refers to a traditional healing practice wherein the patient goes to the
„mansip-ok‟ to interpret the cause and cure of the illness. The „mansip-ok‟ will prescribe
a ritual that would be led by the „manbunong‟.
The practice involved people, materials used and prayers uttered.
„Baknaw‟ is important to the community because they used this as an
alternative way for the patient to be healed if the doctor cannot determine the cure of the
illness. It also contributes in the environmental preservations.
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In the practice of „‟baknaw‟, there were challenges encountered such as expensive
materials, deceiving people, time consuming, spread of Christianity, extinction of „mansip-
ok‟ and „manbunong‟ and on the field of medicine which had become more modern and
new technologies were coming on the market.
With this, the community still continued to do traditional healing practices which
were their ancestors depend on curing illnesses caused by the nature spirits and gods. Since
it is a traditional practice and the elders were the main people that are more familiar in the
community where they are raised from.
There are social values learned in the practice of „baknaw‟ that were indicated by
the respondents such as unity, respect, helpfulness, hospitality and irrationalism.













Pansigdan di Padtu: Understanding “Baknaw” in Bakun, Benguet
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INTRODUCTION

Rationale
The Benguet National Commision of Indigineous People (2001) stated that an
Igorots' belief system on the supernatural or spirit beings determines, to a large extent, his
various networks of interrelationship with his socio-cultural, economic, or physical
environment. His belief system pervades in all areas of human endeavor in the family or in
the community.
Furthermore, to the Igorots, physical discomforts can be associated to several
causes such as natural factors or due to some spirit related afflictions brought about by ones
breach of social relations or infractions of one‟s relation with the spirits or deities. Illness
arising from natural factors can be remedied by indigenous pharmacology (BNCIP,2001).
In Benguet, there are exceptional indigenous knowledge that serve as means of
communication from the other world. Some cultural beliefs we cannot prove until today is
a sick person getting cured by a certain ritual where modern science still cannot cure. One
of these is the „baknaw‟ in Bakun, Benguet. The „mansip-ok‟ is given certain powers by
the gods to determine the cause of illness, death and misfortune, and prescribes the
appropriate ritual cure.
Each „mansip-ok‟ uses his materials in determining the cause of sufferings by
interpreting the signs. Therefore, „baknaw‟ is the practice of interpreting the cause of a
sick person which cannot be cured by a modern science.
Illness arising from natural factors can be remedied by indigenous pharmacology
like herbal plants and „hilot‟.
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However, according to the BNCIP (2001) when herbal remedy becomes futile, the
ritual practitioners are consulted. These are men or women who are especially gifted or
trained to divine or diagnose the causes of human discomforts. They are the so-called
diviners or diagnostic specialist and the ritual performers. They specialized in the cure of
afflictions induced by sorcery, witchcraft or magic and discomforts caused by angered
spirits through the performance of various curative or life crisis rituals. Every community
has a few of these folk medical experts, despite the presence of modern medical facilities
and practitioners.
In cases like this, the „mansip-ok‟ has the influence to give prescriptions. When
someone is ill, has unusual dreams or is insane, a healing ritual is performed by the patient.
The „mansipok‟ is consulted by the sick person to prescribe the ritual to cure the patient
for these. This ritual to cure is administered with certain ritual animals and animal offerings
with corresponding prayers. And the „manbunong‟ will perform the ritual prescribed by
the „mansip-ok‟.
Furthermore, Struthers et al. (2004) added that traditional healing is an ancient,
intact, complex holistic healthcare system practiced by indigenous people worldwide that
is profound and more deeply rooted and complex than is commonly understood. The art of
traditional healing places an emphasis on: the spirit world, supernatural forces and religion,
which is considered virtually identical to medicine.
Traditional Healing in some part of the world have their own healing rituals or
ceremonies like sleeping, painting, music, using of a mask, dance and more (BNCIP,
2001).
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In Bakun, the „mansip-ok‟ is a role of a community elder; the diviners diagnose
the cause of illness or afflictions of a person and utters prayers to ask help from the spirits
and gods then the „manbunong‟ will performed the ritual prescribed by the „mansip-ok‟
and utters prayer to cure the patient. This role is considered as a tool of communication.
„Baknaw‟ is not commonly known in Benguet because it is not done by the other tribes in
the province. These cultural beliefs of healing by the „mansip-ok‟ on a sick person does
not only give the person‟s good fortune during life crisis or to heal a sick person or to avert
an impending misfortune to a person such as sickness, accident or even death but this may
also communicates an indigenous values which is to share the blessings to relatives and
neighbors not to be.
This indigenous practice of „baknaw‟ is believed to be sent by the spirits or gods
and that this may bring good fortune. It is this practice that this study wished to document.

Statement of the Problem

Generally, the study aimed to determine the meaning of „baknaw‟. It specifically answered
the following questions:
1. What is „baknaw‟?
2. How is „baknaw‟ done?
a. people involved;
b. material used


b1. materials used in interpreting






b2. materials offered during rituals
c. rituals being used
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d. prayers uttered

d1. prayers utter by the „mansip-ok‟






d2. prayers utter by the „manbunong‟
3. What are the perceived importance of practicing „baknaw‟ in the community?
4. What are challenges in the practice of „baknaw‟?
5. What are the communicated values in the practice of „baknaw‟?

Objectives of the Study
This study aimed to determine the meaning of „baknaw‟. Specifically, the study aimed to:

1. identify what baknaw is; 2. describe how „baknaw‟ is done;

a. people involved
b. materials used

b1. materials use in interpreting






b2. materials offered during rituals
c. rituals being used
d. prayers uttered

d1. prayers utter by the „mansip-ok‟





d2. prayers utter by the „manbunong‟
3. identify the perceived importance of practicing „baknaw‟ in the
community;
4. identify the challenges in the practice of the „baknaw‟;and
5. identify the communicated values involved in the practice of „baknaw‟.



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Importance of the Study
This study may contribute to the collection of Indigenous Knowledge System and
Practices (IKSP) in Benguet. It may serve interest not only of the community under this
study but also for the larger scientific and academic purposes.
The results of the study may provide documentation of „baknaw‟ and other the existing
legacies of tradition to the community of Dalipey and Sinacbat or in general the
municipality of Bakun.
Furthermore, the study may help the youth of Bakun in appreciating the practice of
„baknaw‟ through this indigenous cultural documentation.
Moreover, it may serve as a reference for other researchers and encourage more
researchers to be involved in the study of culture and practices in Benguet.

Scope and Limitations of the Study

The study anticipated two sets of respondents, first, the elders of the community
who have practiced and participated in „baknaw‟ and second, the „mansip-ok‟ who has
skills in performing „baknaw‟.

The researcher only focused on the illness and cause on the rituals being used and
not the processes done during the rituals.

The study focused on the community of Bakun on identifying „baknaw‟; the
processes of „baknaw‟; to identify the perceived importance of „baknaw‟ in the
community; identify the challenges in the practice of „baknaw‟; and the values being
reflected thus it will not focus in any other rituals done in Bakun. The study of „baknaw‟
focused only as practiced in barangay Dalipey and Sinacbat, Bakun, Benguet.
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REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Practices (IKSP)
Indigenous knowledge consists of learning ways of acting, feeling and thinking
which originated among the nature of a particular tribe (Prill, 1997).Indigenous Knowledge
or Cultural Beliefs and Practices are the traditional acts, rituals and economics perform by
the old folks most especially among the pagans or non Christian within the society. It is
the information based on the society, which facilities and communication and decision
making (Fiar-od, 2001).

Meehan (1980) added that in the discussion of indigenous knowledge in the
literature there are two major streams, what on we might refer to as ethnoscience and
Indigenous Technical Knowledge (ITK). Ethnoscience is a branch of linguistic
anthropology and has been defined as the set of concepts, propositions and theories unique
to each other particular group of culture in the world .
Moreover, ITK is of interest to a broader range of disciplines is more concerned
with the relationship between indigenous knowledge and science and how they can most
usefully cooperate in the generation and exploitation of technology to the benefit of rural
populations. It stresses experimentation and generation of knowledge as an on-going
process. Of course, the two streams are closely inter-twined; they have been brought
together in Brokensha, et. al. (1980).

Furthermore, Nakashima et. al (2000) concluded that Indigenous people have a
broad knowledge of how to live sustainably. However, formal education systems have
disrupted the practical everyday life aspects of indigenous knowledge and ways of learning,
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replacing them with abstract knowledge and academic ways of learning. Today, there is a
grave risk that much indigenous knowledge is being lost and, along with it, valuable
knowledge about ways of living sustainably.

Modern today is affecting our culture to be extinct that it may vanish through
generation that they are not aware and know that there are certain practices that their
ancestors have been doing during their time (Prill, 1997).

Traditional Healing
Traditional healing has grown much along cultural lines as practitioners have made
use of the plants, animals, and mineral substances available in their own region to treat
illness. In general, one could describe a traditional healing approach as a noninvasive,
natural method of addressing malfunctions in the body (Dowell, 2013).
Traditionally, it is believed that illness is caused by spirits whom the person has
displeased. It can also be caused by ancestor spirits wanting to have rituals performed for
them (BNCIP, 2001)
To the Igorots, physical discomforts can be associated to several causes such as
natural factors or due to some spirit related afflictions brought about by ones breach of
social relations or infractions of one‟s relation with the spirits or deities (BNCIP, 2001).
However, aside from using rituals for healing, the people make use of herbals, many of
which have proven effective and beneficial especially in the absence of modern chemical
preparations. The introduction of modern medicine has resulted in the decrease in use of
herbals herbal medicines Ibalois and Kankanaeys are quieter familiar with a number of
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plants or herbs that they used to cure or remedy a number of illnesses, which afflicts them
(BNCIP, 2001).

„Baknew‟
In „baknew‟, the right or correct ritual to be performed by the „manbunong‟ for
certain illnesses or sickness is also known thru the „baknew‟. However, the „baknew‟ as
a method employs several techniques, like using of fermented yeast, the ethnic group called
„bobod‟, the use of rice wine they call „tapey‟, the use of egg and animal blood.
Each „mansip-ok‟, employs a method, which is different from the other
„manbaknew‟. The „mansip-ok‟ uses either a piece of iron tied to a string about a foot
long.The „mansip-ok‟ holds the sting with the iron object hanging and at the same time
chants his prayer. If the right ritual is mentioned by the „mansip-ok‟, the tied iron object
swings back and forth in one direction, but if the tied object turns around swinging circular
way, this means that there is no ritual needed for the patient because he/she is going to die
anyway. Another procedure is for the „mansip-ok‟ to hold a measured stick that is equal
to the length of his forefinger and thumb when extended.
On the other hand, the Ibaloys practice, they call „baknaw‟ as the „chilus‟. In this
process, the „mansib‟ok‟ appeals to the spirits to manifest themselves, give the probable
cause, and relieve the sick of his sufferings. If the sick gets well, it is believed that the
„mansi‟bok‟ has identified the right cause and the right ritual to be performed in obedience
to the wish or cravings of the spirits. With the approval of the elders, the „manbunong‟ is
called to finally perform the healing ritual specified by the „mansi‟bok‟.
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Baucas (2003) further states that the process done in „chilus‟ starts on the
settlements of family feuds or disputes within the community are always followed by
„chilus‟ rituals. After a decision has made and agreed, the disputing parties are advised to
perform rituals prescribed by the elders aside from shouldering the expenses of the
proceedings. This is to counteract misfortune, curse, and instead help guide the disputing
parties to the ways of the righteous. And that they be blessed with plenty and they shall
retain respect in the community. The performance of the desired ritual is often done by the
„manbunong‟.

Furthermore, the interpreted signs and symbols during the „baknew‟ through the
materials used by the „mansip-ok‟ to indicate the cause and rituals to be used.
Although Jung (1969) acknowledged the universality of archetypal symbols, he contrasted
this with the concept of a sign images having a one to one connotation with their meaning.
His approach was to recognize the dynamism and fluidity that existed between symbols
and their ascribed meaning.
Curative Rituals used in Baknaw
„Kiyad‟. This is performed to satisfy the spirits of the dead ancestors. No pig is butchered
during this feast, only carabao or a horse. The offering is believed to have curative effect
as well as the capacity to prolong the life of the performer. There is no dancing during this
ritual but rice wine is served. This is a ritual performed to cure an illness of the member of
a family upon the prescription of the diviner (BNCIP, 2001). „Temmo‟. It is a ritual
performed when a person is crazy, foolish, and cruel and when a person becomes hot
tempered. The animal used for offering is usually a dog; a „tibanglan‟ (giant fern) is also
used (BNCIP, 2001).
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When a person manifest such characteristics as being hot tempered, cruel or with
lunatic tendencies, a „mambuyon‟ may be consulted and when „temmo‟ is found to be the
cause of the problem, then a „mambunong‟ is called and the „temmo‟ ritual is performed.
„Amdag‟. This is caused by unexplained illness such as headache, toothache,
stomachache, etc. The „amdag‟ is a curative ritual offered to the in-amdagan, a malevolent
nature spirit which journeys on mountain, valleys and creeks hunting for human spirits. A
chicken offering can suffice for this ritual but more may be offered until the in-amdagan
spirit is pleased. The service of a „mambunong‟ is required in this kind of ritual (BNCIP,
2001).
„Batbat‟. This „batbat‟ ritual is performed to cure a lingering sickness of a household
member. „Batbat‟ does not simply depend upon the discretion of the household. „Batbat‟
is one of those curative rituals (sometimes referred to as life crisis rituals) which have to
be performed when an elder or a „mansip-ok‟ (diviner) finds out that such a ritual is
kinmalat , i.e. the main cause of a sickness (BNCIP, 2001). „Tayab-ban‟. This is an
agonizing stomach ache caused by a spirit called „tayabban‟. The pain comes on suddenly
and when the ritual cure is performed relief is instant. The ritual cure consists of a prayer
with a small crush of dried sweet flag, „dengaw‟, rubbed of the sick .No other material
offering is needed (Egangans,2003).

„Bas-ing‟. This is a disease interpreted by the native priest as an infliction from a kabunyan
as a punishment to those who commit sexual acts with anyone not his husband or wife
contrary to good morals and health of their offerings (Egangan, 2003).
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„Epas‟. This ritual is a ritual prescribed by the native priest as last resort to save a person
who is gravely ill and hovering between life and death, whose spirit is believed to be
imprisoned by mountain spirits, „nante-es bilig‟ (Egangan, 2003).

„Pasang ni Sakit‟. This ritual is performed by a native priest to cure a sick person having
pains on the joints of the bones of the patient and pain all over his body thus causing his
poor appetite. A jar of rice wine is prepared and either a pig or a chicken is butchered for
this purpose. Blankets, breeches, money and some kinds of tools are also displayed for
offering to the „Tinmongaw‟ or the „Kabunian‟ whoever caused the
sickness (Baucas, 2003).

„Buang‟. This ritual is cure for deafness. A chicken and a jar of rice wine are prepared
by the patient to be offered to the concerned spirits that caused said illness. With the ritual
materials in front of him, the native priest addresses his prayers to the Thunder, to the spirit
called „Agmayo‟. This ritual is done outside the house anytime of the day, preferably in
the morning (Baucas, 2003).

„Nansa-ang‟. This ritual is a ritual to cure headache. This ritual is performed by a native
priest inside the house of the sick. The „manbunong‟ holds a cup of rice wine and prays
over the head of the patient. The native priest addresses his prayers to „Kabigat‟. If the
headache subsides, soothsayer can perform again the „sib-ok‟ or „sip-ok‟ in order to find
out there is another caused of headache (Egangan, 2003).

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„Palis shi Kabunian‟. The old folks claim that this ritual can cure headache and toothache.
Oras Disok stated that „Dada‟ and „Amolis‟ are spirits that can cause this illness. With the
chicken, rice wine, cooked rice, ritual tools and some clothes, the native priest addresses
his prayers to „Dada‟ and „Amolis‟ who are the most concerned spirits for causing these
mentioned illnesses (Baucas, 2003).

„Dosad‟. This ritual is a ritual for chest pain. A small pig is butchered and offered to the
concerned spirits and deities. The „manbunong‟ addresses his prayer to „kabigat‟ of the
earth and the gods in the skies while holding a spear pointing directly to the chest of alive
pig (Baucas, 2003).

„Sig-op‟. This ritual is performed to cure coughing or colds of a person. This requires
chicken, ginger and salt. The native priest rubs the ginger and salt in the neck of the patient
and after this; he holds the hen and addresses his prayers to „akodao‟, a great spirit that
resides where the river sinks (Baucas, 2003).

„Kulos‟. This is a cure ritual for the stomach trouble and diarrhea. It is either hen or a
small pig that is butchered for this purpose. The „manbunong‟ addresses his prayers to
„Kabigat‟ and „Bugan‟, known to be a brother and sister and are responsible for the
sickness, so that in return, they can make the person get well (Baucas,2003).

„Kes-og‟. This ritual is a cure a sex-related sickness, which can be an enlargement of sex
organs. This is performed during night time outside the house of the sick. The patient has
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to stay beside the native priest who is rendering his prayer and at the time interviewing the
patient while the butchered dog is being cooked. After his main prayers, the „manbunong‟
interview the sick by asking him or her names of all those whom he or she had sexual
intercourse with. As the patient confesses by telling the names one by one, the
„manbunong‟ slices a piece of cooked meat one by one, corresponding to the number of
all concerned women or men named in the previous sexual affair. After a name is given,
the „manbunong‟ throws away a piece of sliced meat saying that the sexually- related
sickness is also thrown away, and this is done until all the concerned women or men are
completely enumerated. Before this, it was emphasized to the sick that he cannot be cured
unless he confessed and tell the truth (Baucas, 2003).

„Sabo-sab‟. This ritual is a ritual that cures skin diseases like itches, boils, and the like. It
can also cure deformities of the body. All the members of the clan have to be present so
that they can partake on the prepared food. The kids have to be present in order that they
can also make amendments of any bad word they might uttered to each other which
believed to be cause of such skin diseases among them (Baucas,2003).

„Bomokod‟. This ritual cures sores, skin diseases like itches, boils and others. The prayers
and other requirements of this ritual is similar with that of the „sabo-sab‟. A pig butchered
for this purpose and this is done outside the house of the patient (Baucas, 2003).
„Gangau‟. This ritual is a ritual for curing crippled or lamed patient. This can cure
rheumatism according to Gondales Walang. The members of the family who sponsored
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this ritual must not eat vegetables, especially sour and pungent foods like „gabi‟, pepper,
tomatoes and coffee for three days after the ritual is performed (Baucas, 2003).
„Okat‟. This ritual intends to cure the sickness that is caused by uncontented spirit of the
dead. A pig or more is prepared with some ritual materials.
The body of the dead is brought out from his coffin and after the people had eaten their
lunch, the cleaned bones or body is return again to his new coffin placed in the graveyard
(Baucas, 2003).

„Kamiling/Kamiding‟. This ritual is a ritual that cures skin disease like itches and boils.
The illness is caused by „Anitos‟ who inhabited the thick bushes that was trespassed by
the patient (Baucas, 2003).

„Awil‟. This ritual is performed to cure stomach ache, headache and pains all over the
body. The illness is caused by the spirits that need something from the patient. Sometimes,
the old folks believe that the spirit that can cause or inflict this illness is called
„Emandebas‟ or traveling spirit trails. So upon meeting a travelling person, this spirit can
inflict pains that can be cured by this ritual (Baucas, 2003).
„Bas-ing‟. This ritual cures a sickness that caused by sexual relations with woman outside
of the marriage (Baucas, 2003).
„Pokdey‟. This ritual cures a general weakness of the body specially the inability to play
sixths ritual can also restore impotency of individual who loses his sexual vitality (Baucas,
2003).
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„Timbek‟. This ritual is to cure skin diseases, blindness or sore eyes. To show that the
patient has already sponsored the ritual, the „manbunong‟ sticks some pieces of meat to
three sticks and places this stick to eaves of the house (Baucas, 2003).

„Bengngat‟. If a person is affected by malignant person, ore he is having some kind of
skin diseases on his face, particularly in his lips, this ritual is a cure for it. The malignant
person can make another person sick can be a native priest, an old folk or even a young
person. So that when a „mansib-ok‟ discovered that the ritual is „bengngat‟, it has to be
done in order that the „nabngat‟ or the person who I sick can be cured (Baucas, 2003).

„Angja‟. This ritual is performed to inflict harm to other persons. An envious inhabitant
who wants to die sponsors this ritual. This is killing the enemy by making him sick and
dies instead of killing him directly (Baucas, 2003).

„Kes-og‟. The elders belief that sexual relationship of a man with a woman not his wife
or a woman to man not her husband is not only an act contrary to the custom but a defiance
to gods and goddesses, „Kabunyan‟ of which it is punishable by affliction (Baucas,2003).

„Bosal-lan‟. A normal person who suddenly loses his hearing ability without any
noticeable cause is believed to have been afflicted by deaf-causing spirit .To get relief of
this affliction, the people cure it with the ritual „bosal-lan‟ .In performing this, the native
priests first constructs a small hunt with about a foot wide and a foot high within the vicinity
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of the patients house. Beside this little hut, the native priest performs the ritual by offering
chicken and food to appease the deaf causing spirit (Baucas, 2003).

„Liyaw‟. It is performed to heal a patient afflicted of severe skin disease .In all the „liyaw‟
rituals, the afflicted patient and all those who ate of the offered meat have to refrain from
at least one lunar month from eating other foods such as meats of carabao, cow, horses,
and goat .A violation of this taboo would render the ritual ineffective (Baucas, 2003).

„Pocpocley‟. Impotency is believed caused by certain spirits. These spirits are either of
the ancestors, „Ap-apo‟; mountain spirit, „Tomongao‟; and others as may be discerned by
the „mansip-ok‟ who prescribes the cure. A man who loses his sexual vitality is thought of
as „napocpocley‟ and the ritual cured is called „Pocpocley‟. The ritual is performed by
offering a rooster to the ancestors of the afflicted for them to intercede in his behalf and
that the „pocpocley‟ causing spirits restore the patients‟ sexual vitality (Baucas, 2003).

„Dawdawak‟,„Anawang‟ or „Maksil‟. Hours after a woman gave birth, two ritual
celebrations follow. The first ritual performed inside the house is called „maksil‟ and the
second „dawdawak‟ or „anawang‟ celebrated outside the house to restore the health of the
exhausted mother (Baucas, 2003).
„Bayyog‟. This ritual is a ritual that cures lingering illnesses. Usually, it is also used to
prevent some kinds of illnesses among the traditional inhabitants. This ritual is performed
inside or outside the house of the sponsors. There are singing of native songs and playing
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of gongs and drums in this „bayyog‟. At least five pigs are butchered in this ritual for two
days (Baucas, 2003).

Operational Definition of Terms

The following are defined as used in the study:

„Baknaw‟. It refers to a traditional healing practice of Bakun.

„Dengaw‟. It refers to a material use for interpreting.

„Mansip-ok‟. It refers to the person who will interpret the cause of the illness.

„Manbunong‟. It refers to the person who performs the healing ritual.
Patient. It refers to a sick person seeking the help of the Mansip-ok and will do the
Baknaw .











Pansigdan di Padtu: Understanding “Baknaw” in Bakun, Benguet
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METHODOLOGY
Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted in Bakun, Benguet. Bakun has seven barangays namely,
Gambang, Bagtangan, Ampusungan, Poblacion, Dalipey, Sinacbat and Bagu.
However, barangay Dalipey and Sinacbat were chosen as the locale of the study because
it was observed by the researcher that 'baknaw' is actively practiced mostly by the residents
here.

The study was conducted from January to February 2013.

Respondents of the Study
The key informant of this study was Pitlongay Busil-ak, 88 years old, a „mansipok‟. The
researcher had one key informant because he is the only „mansip-ok‟ in the community of
Dalipey. Busil-ak has been a „mansip-ok‟ and practicing „baknaw‟ for sixty (60) years.
While in Sinacbat there is no „mansip-ok‟ left so the people of Sinacbat go to Bagu where
the „mansip-ok‟ is. Some of the respondents interviewed did not want to divulge their
names for their privacy.
In addition, there were 19 elder respondents from the community; there were 17 males and
two females who have experienced „baknaw‟. It can be noted that males are more active
in „baknaw‟ because it is believed that they have the ability to lead rituals, a total of 20
respondents from barangay Dalipey and Sinacbat.



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Figure 1. Map of Bakun, Benguet showing the locale of the study

The respondents were chosen purposively according to these criteria: knowledge about the
„baknaw‟, and should be 50 years old and above because it was believed by the researcher
that this age range mostly practices „baknaw‟.
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Table 1.General characteristics of the respondents

NAME
PLACE OF ORIGIN
AGE
YEARS OF
PRACTICING
„BAKNAW‟/SEX
Pitlongay Busil-ak
Sipitan
88
60/M
Fred Baguitan
Sinacbat
60
M
Kagay-os Baguitan
Sinacbat
75
M
Geyna Agay-os
Sinacbat
70
F
Akbaya-an Benites
Sinacbat
71
M
Henry B.Segundo
Sinacbat
79
M
Bernard S.Alicay
Sinacbat
52
M
Sabey T. Bayacsan
Sipitan
92
F
Bigasto Biloda
Sinacbat
74
M
Alceman Ulbano
Sipitan
72
F
Emily Gumingin
Sipitan
56
F
Pedro Caluinsuay
Sinacbat
70
M


Data Collection
Data gathering were done through personal interviews from the elders of the
community who have experienced „baknaw‟ and the „mansip-ok‟ who has skills in
performing „baknaw‟.
To collect data from these respondents, the researcher asked help from the
barangay officials about the list of elders in the community on the different sitios who can
describe „baknaw‟ based on their knowledge of practicing it.
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Afterwards, the researcher interviewed each of the respondents with guide questionnaires.
The researcher also used a voice recorder for more precise discussion about the study.
To get more significant information about „baknaw‟, literature sited and documents
retrieval was conducted about „baknaw‟ in Bakun.
Data Gathered
The data gathered were the following ; what „baknaw‟ is‟; how „baknaw‟ is done; the
essence of practicing „baknaw‟ in the community; the challenges in practicing
„baknaw‟ in community; and the communicated values involved in the practice of
„baknaw‟ in the community of Dalipey and Sinacbat, Bakun, Benguet.

Data Analysis
The data gathered were summarized, consolidated and presented using narrative
description.









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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION


This section of the study presents the analysis and discussion of the data based on
the objectives of the study. It covers the description of „baknaw‟; how „baknaw‟ is done;
the perceived importance of „baknaw‟ in the community; the challenges in the practice of
„baknaw‟ in the community; and the communicated values involved in the practice of
„baknaw‟ in the community of Dalipey and Sinacbat, Bakun, Benguet.

„Baknaw‟
Pitlongay Busil-ak, „mansip-ok‟, stated that “Nu man baknawak, paw-atek uno puntusak
nu sinu di makagapu ya nu maitama makaan din sakit na ya ipadgaw ku en kabunian uno
sin adikaila” (If I do the „baknaw‟ I will first see the cause of the illness before performing
ritual to ask help of the gods or the unseen spirits).
Almost all of the respondents defined „baknaw‟ as a traditional healing practice
wherein the patient first go to the „mansip-ok‟, to consult him what causes the illness and
how it can be cured. Then, the „mansip-ok‟ will perform the first part of „baknaw‟ using
materials in interpreting to determine the cause and cure of the illness.
According to Pedro Calinsuay, elder, some of the common types of illness are
stomachache, headache, brain disorder and blood loss. The respondents added that every
illness is equal to a ritual because different illnesses are caused by different spirits and
gods. This corroborates the description of the Benguet NCIP (2001) that headaches,
stomachaches, toothaches, are caused by weather, environment, or by spirits, the colds and
fever of the ordinary types were caused by bad weather; when protracted spirits (ancestral
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spirits) causes them, skin diseases are caused by dirty environment, allergies, insect bites
but can also be caused by angry spirits (nature spirits).
The respondents further added that the community today uses „baknaw‟ when a
person is ill for days and it cannot be cured by the prescribed medicine of the doctor
or the doctors cannot identify the cause of the illness. This study supports the Benguet
National Commission of Indigenous People (2001) put into the problem when the
development of modern medicine cannot provide effective cure or explain certain illnesses,
the Igorot reverts back to folk healing or traditional rituals as best alternatives. A spirit-
related illnesses which are believed to be caused by the power of spirits, especially those
afflictions which are beyond the doctors technical capabilities, a natural illness are
constructed to be spirit-related when such seemingly curable afflictions cannot be relieved
by modern medication or local pharmacology.
According to the elders, the cause of the illness is not only based on the spirits but
the illness is also caused by a person through „sapu‟ (witchcraft). Fred Baguitan, an elder,
mentioned „Sapsapu-en‟, a case when a a person is sick due to curse.The people
responsible could be the one whom you have misunderstand or argued. It could be also a
dead relative who is requesting something from you.
According to the respondents, „baknaw‟ is commonly practiced by the elders
because they are the ones who have the knowledge and have been witnessing the process
of „baknaw‟. Kagay-os Baguitan, elder, added that they also use „baknaw‟ to lessen labor
during pregnancy. The respondents also added that the illness depends on the nature spirits.
Traditional healing rituals have 2 types : the preventive and curative.

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„Baknaw‟ use curative rituals. These rituals are performed to get rid of their illnesses and
appease the spirits and gods that they have harmed. However, if a ritual is not performed
after healing, the illness will come back to the person. The elders added that if the person
is cured, she or he should perform the ritual which the „mansip-ok‟ instructed; otherwise,
the illness will get worst. Disobedience or rejection of the instructions of the elders would
also mean curse and misfortune, the respondents added.
Santiban cited an example in 1990 when she got sick and sought the help of the „mansip-
ok‟ to perform „baknaw‟. The „mansip-ok‟ prescribed to perform „kedaw‟ because the
tomb of their grandfather was broke and he is asking them to fix it. But then, the husband
of Santiban who is a pastor he does not believe on what the „mansip-oks‟ advice. Because
of this, Santiban got lamed and never walked again until today. The elders added that some
died because of not doing the prescribed rituals.
Furthermore, the elders added that „baknaw‟ in Bakun is used when a sick person goes to
the „mansip-ok‟ to consult and interpret the cause of the illness. This finding corroborates
to Baucas (2003) that the Ibaloys practice „chilus‟, this is when a member of the family is
sick and refer to a „mansip-ok‟. These also corroborates to Sacla (1987) that
„baknew‟ in some parts of Benguet, is a method of knowing the cause of illness employed
by the „mansip-ok‟. These findings implied that these three practices are the same. They
are used as an appeasement to the spirits who may have been offended or overlooked by
human beings.
„Baknaw‟ then is the process when an ill person goes to the „mansip-ok‟ to know who or
what causes the illness. Then, the „mansip-ok‟ asks the patient some questions to get some
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information to help him. Then, he utilizes materials for the interpretation that will indicate
the cause of illness. He then determines and prescribes the ritual and the
„manbunong‟ will perform the said ritual.

Processes Done in „Baknaw‟
Figure 2 presents the process involved in the practice of „baknaw‟. All of the respondents
stated that „baknaw‟ starts when a sick person consults the „mansip-ok‟ to identify the
illness and its causes, followed by the rituals for healing to be performed by the
„manbunong‟.
People involved during „baknaw‟ were to be: the „mansip-ok‟ who interprets the cause of
the illness and prescribes the ritual to be used; „manbunong‟ who performs the preferred
ritual; the patient accompanied by his/her family, relatives or friends; and the community
comprising children, elders, and women and men.
There are materials used in 'baknaw' these are the materials used for interpreting the illness
and materials offered during rituals to the spirits and gods.Moreover, there are rituals done
to cure the illnesses and there are prayers uttered by the „mansip-ok‟ during the
interpretation of the illness and the by the „manbunong‟ during the ritual in „baknaw'.
People Involved. According to the respondents, the first people involved in
„baknaw‟ are the following:
„Mansip-ok‟. The „mansip-ok‟ will determine the cause of the illness by using materials
in interpreting and seeking help from the spirits and gods through prayers. However, the
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„mansip-ok‟ who performs the „baknaw‟ cannot guide the ritual he prescribed because the
role of the „mansip-ok‟ is only to interpret.

Baguitan said that one of the roles of „mansip-ok‟ is to seek the help of the
„mansip-ok‟ that have the power to get rid of the illness. Any kinds of illnesses can be
cured by the „mansip-ok‟ when modern medicine cannot cure the illness. This gives faith
or belief to the patient that „baknaw‟ can really cure them because it is their gods whom
they ask for help and fortune.
„Manbunong‟. As noted by the respondents, the „manbunong‟ comes in after the
„mansip-ok‟ interprets the cause of illness. The „manbunong‟ performs the prescribed
healing ritual. He ensures the efficacy of the ritual and utters prayers for the offering of
materials. This affirms to the statement of Sacla (1987) that a sick person pronounced by
the „mansip-ok‟ to be affected by craving spirit calls for the aid of the „manbunong‟ who
acknowledges and performs the appropriate ritual cure and appease the spirit with the hope
that the sick person may get well.
The „mansip-ok‟ and „manbunong‟ in most cases complement each other. The
„mansip-ok‟ interprets the cause of illness and prescribes rituals which the „manbunong‟
will perform.
Patient. The beneficiary of the ritual is the host or the patient accompanied by his/her
family, relatives and friends from the consultation to the performing of ritual. The patient
is the reason of the sida (feast).
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Community. Which comprises the elders, children; men and women will join the
ritual and help in the preparation of the materials and foods to be used for the ritual.
Materials Used. The elders mentioned two (2) types of materials used in
„baknaw‟. First, the materials used in interpreting and predicting the rituals to perform and
to treat the illness of the patient. Second, the materials offered while performing the ritual.
Materials used in interpreting. Most of the elders claimed that there are materials that the
„mansip-ok‟ requires. The most popular material used in interpreting the causes of the
illness is the „dengaw‟(sweet flag grass). „Dengaw‟ (Acorus calamus L.) is a type of a
plant that can only grow in „payews‟ (rice paddies). They use this by getting a small portion
of its root and by rubbing it to the painful part of the patients‟ body while uttering a prayer.
If the person is cured, she or he should perform the ritual to which the „mansipok‟
instructed otherwise the illness will get worst. the respondents added that the disobedience
or rejection of the instructions of the elders will mean curse and misfortune the respondents
added. This affirms to the study of Sacla (1987) that „dengaw‟, a dried root of a marshy
grass, sweet flag, crushed into pieces then applied on the head of the patient should at once
get well as the basis for celebrating the ritual cure.This findings corroborates to Baucas
(2003) that other „mansip-ok‟ use „dengaw‟ in interpreting by chewing its roots to elicit
its sweet aroma and then praying over the head of the person with affliction. The chewed
„dengaw‟ is then rubbed over his head. When the sick person finally recovers in a few
days, that diagnoses are probably correct and the ritual is performed, sweet potatoes are
used also.
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Furthermore, Busil-ak added the materials used in interpreting such as egg, „bubod‟
(yeast), padlock with string, „tapey‟ (rice wine), „ing-nga‟ (the patients‟ ear), coconut,
bottle, candle, and pale with water. This finding affirms to the study of Baucas (2003) and
Sacla (1987) that the „baknew‟ employs several techniques, like using of fermented
„bobod‟ (yeast), rice wine to which they call „tapey‟/ „tapoy‟, animal blood and flint rocks
or metals.
According to the respondents, the „mansip-ok‟ follows procedures before uttering the
prayer. Baguitan cited that bobod (yeasts) is crushed with bare hands and dissolved in a
half filled clear drinking glass followed by uttering a prayer. This corroborates to the
findings of Baucas (2003) that in using „bobod‟ by dissolving it in a coconut shell or
„kawil‟. Before the „mansip-ok‟ or the „manbaknew‟ says his/her prayer formula, the
dissolved „bobod‟ in the coconut shell should be covered either by a „gabi‟ (taro) or a
banana leaf after followed by uttering a prayer.
On the other hand, the egg is cracked in a clear glass and the „mansip-ok‟ utters a prayer
then sees what causes the illness before he prescribes the ritual to be used. The use of egg
is the second most familiar used by „mansip-ok‟ in interpreting. This finding corroborates
to the study of Baucas (2003) that the other strategy of „baknew‟ is the use of an egg. A
chicken egg is broken and its content is poured on leaf of a „gabi‟ (taro) or banana leaf
then a prayer is uttered.
Moreover, Busil-ak mentioned the use of tapey or rice wine in interpreting.
They cover the „tapey‟ in a „koli‟ or native vase and a prayer is uttered. This corroborates
to the study Baucas (2003) that „tapey‟ (rice wine) is prepared from „kintoman‟ (red
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aromatic rice) and then stored in a traditional jar. While storing the rice, a prayer is recited
invoking the spirits who may have caused the person‟s malady.
After the „mansip-ok‟ invoked the aid of „Kabunian‟ or other concerned gods, he reads
the signs on the materials used. The signs can indicate or reveal the right ritual to be
provided by the sick. This corroborates to the study of Baucas (2003) that these spirits are
informed that they are now religiously preparing for the prescribed ritual and if that the
cause is proven for the sick person, the ritual may be pursued.
Baguitan emphasized that the materials are first prepared before the „manbunong‟
starts the ritual.
Table 2 shows the materials used in interpreting and how it was used and the materials
offered during the ritual. Caluinsuay mentioned some of the ways on how they use these
materials.
Table 2. The materials used in interpreting and how it was used and the materials offered
during the ritual

MATERIALS USED
HOW IT IS USED
MATERIALS
IN INTERPRETING
OFFERED
„Dengaw‟

Get a small portion of its root and rub to the
Food



painful part of the patients‟ body while

uttering a prayer.
Egg
The egg is cracked in a clear drinking glass „Tapey‟ (rice wine)
then beaten.Afterwards covered and a
prayer is uttered.
Fresh Sweet Potato
Grind the sweet potato then put it on a
Native blankets
handkerchief or any clean cloth then extract
the juice in a basin to be covered then the
prayer is uttered.

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„Bubod‟ (yeast)
Crush the „bubod‟ with bare hands dissolve
Metallic things
it in a half filled clear drinking glass with

(bolos, spears,
then a prayer is uttered.
crowbars, Breeches)



Padlock
Tie a string or rope on the hasp of the
padlock by holding the tip of the rope while Money
prayer is being uttered.
Tapey(rice wine)
Cover the tapey in a koli or native vase Iron tools
and a prayer is uttered.
Ears
A prayer is uttered while the mansip-ok Cooked rice
is looking at the ear hole of th e patient.
Pale with water
Half-filled pale is prayed to the spirits or
gods possibly harmed if they want a
carabao to be offered to them, the
mansipok state that the carabao will go
and drink the water. The pale is set aside for Clothes
a night and when morning comes the water
is gone or lessen it means tha the spirit
wants a carabao, But if not he does nothing
happens, it menas otherwise.
Coconut
--
Tapis (G-strings)
Bottle
--
Coins
Candle
--
--
Animals blood
--
--

Materials offered during the rituals. Baguitan, an elder said that the animals and material
offered are part of the rituals. He added that every spirit requires different kinds of animals
like pigs, carabao, cow and chicken. The number of animals to be offered is equivalent to
the pecking order of the spirits. He further added that the heavier or the stronger the spirit,
the more number of animals is required. This results support the statement of Sacla (1987)
that each ritual has its own specific material requirements. Each material offering has
specific purpose in a specific ritual. The purpose of the ritual determines the material
requirements to be offered. Rituals materials are therefore categorized according to ritual
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and the ritual objectives like rituals for healing purposes. This finding contradicts to the
statement of Sacla (1987) that depending on the findings or prescriptions of the traditional
native priests, the rituals may require the offering of chickens, pigs, carabaos, or other
sacrificial animals. The size, color, and the number of animals to be used depend on the
nature of gravity of the sickness.

Henry Segundo, elder, said that these rituals require things for certain reasons, one is to
appease the spirits. This is similar to the observation of Aguinaldo (1994) that man and
spirits, the favors and wrath of the spirits to the perception of man can be availed of and
appeased. This is traced as the basis of ritual consisting of animals, food, rice wine and
other materials as gifts.

Rituals Done. According to the elder respondents, „baknaw‟, uses curative rituals.
Bigasto Biloda, an elder, claimed that in seeking advice from the „mansip-ok‟ the patient
should not rely on one „mansip-ok‟. She/he should ask two to three to verify the interpreted
cause of the illness. He clarified that if the second interpretation varies from the first
interpretation, he/she has to go for third interpretation until he/she finds the same
interpretation.

The following are rituals done in „baknaw‟ according to the key informant and
respondents:
„Lawit‟. This ritual is performed to call back the soul or spirit of the living that wanders
off, causing illness.
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Manuel Banglig explained that in „baknaw‟, the people who travels often
especially the visitors, their soul or spirit may gone anywhere else on the place and did not
came back with them when they went home. Others may call their soul as “woooh!! entako
et suma-a (name of the person) magay ma-taytaynan sina” (Wooh!! Let us go home (name
of the person) no one will be left behind).This is also called „dawit‟,
To call back these souls or spirits, the 'manbunong' performs the rituals during this
celebration to allow the person to become whole and live well. The ritual is performed to
call back the spirit of the living (ab-abiik, kadkadua) who may have wandered in the sky
world (gawgawdan) or to 'dalem' (underworld). The 'lawit' is performed so as to call back
his 'ab-abiik' who has wandered to another world (BNCIP, 2001).

„Bagol‟. This is done when a person becomes crazy. They are bothered by their ancestor
or evil spirits. They performed this to drive the evil spirits which causes the illness.
Baguitan cited a man (name was not mentioned) become crazy when he wandered to
different places at night and did not know what he did when morning comes. So they
perform the ritual for him not to be bothered by the ancestors or evil spirits again.

„Tinmengaw‟. This is done when a person got sick. He is punished by a „tinmengaw‟ or
„ampasit‟. It is caused by not asking permission to the unseen spirits, before having picnics
or swimming on the river and spelunking on caves. Moreover, throwing of wastes, cutting
tress or destroy some of their belongings They make people sick in order to demand
payments for their destroyed properties. Do not throw wastes and damage anything that
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they may get angry since the „tinmengaw‟ are sensitive nature spirits which dwell in rocks,
trees, rivers, abandoned house, caves, etc.

To cure such, the „mansip-ok‟ or the „mambunong‟ will have to establish the cause and
the prescribed rituals will be performed. „Timengaw‟ as a ritual is performed to avert or
cure skin afflictions, impotency, insanity or even death (BNCIP, 2001).
„Kedaw‟. This ritual is done to satisfy the desire of one or two ancestors. When the patient
dead relative appears in a dream naked or cold, he/she is asking for a blanket or clothes.
Moreover, when the person is wet or being drowned by water or when the ancestors‟ tomb
is being soaked by water they need to change the clothes or transfer the body to another
place and then offer prescribed animals by the „manbunong‟ and perform the‟ kedaw‟
„Kedaw‟ is performed by butchering of pigs and offering of the materials the ancestor
need.

„Topya‟. „Topya‟ is used to counteract with the „sapo‟, a person who bestowed an illness
to a person. This ritual is performed to cure or counteract illnesses caused by „angja‟
(witchcraft) for more serious illness caused by a strong „mengaja‟ (sorcerer). The members
have to perform the „topya‟ for self-defense.

Ducks and dogs are the sacrificial animals for these rituals.
„Dawak‟. This rituals is done when a woman suffers during her labor. A „manbunong‟
will butcher a chicken to remove the pain and to deliver the baby safely before blessing the
baby in front of the full moon during midnight.
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„Kiad‟. This is done when a dead ancestor is annoyed and causes sickness to the person
of whom they perform this ritual. He/she want something to be satisfied like to offer
him/her a carabao or horse.

A ritual performed to appease the ancestor who causes sickness to a person due to animal
offerings he/she has performed in the past without complying with the traditional pairing
of sacrificial animals (Baucas, 2003).

Prayers Uttered. During the data gathering of the researcher, „baknaw‟ was not performed
by the community so there were no prayers documented. The researcher did not get any
example of these prayers because according to the elders, this is one of their customs and
taboos of the community that they cannot just utter a prayer. This corroborates in the study
of Sacla (1987) that customs and taboos are observed as laws. Though these practices are
unwritten, it is followed because of its attachment to belief system. Example of this ritual
is chanting of ritual without the corresponding ritual celebration.
According to the respondents, prayers in „baknaw‟ are very important because this is a
form of communication to the other world where the gods and goddesses are. In their
prayer, they help in curing the patient or to whom the patient causes harm needed to be
appeased.

However, the respondents said that the prayers uttered by the „mansip-ok‟ during the
interpretation and the „manbunong‟ during the rituals are different.
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Prayers uttered by the „mansip-ok‟ during the interpretation. Bernard Alicay, Barangay
Captain said that the „mansip-ok‟ prepares the materials for the interpretation. This is to
see who causes the illness and the suitable ritual to be used to cure the illness. After this
the „mansip-ok‟ addresses his prayers to their gods and goddesses who may help in
prescribing the right ritual giving signs. After the prayers, the
„mansip-ok‟ set aside the materials for ten (10) to fifteen (15) minutes and then he will
interpret its meanings.

Prayers uttered by the „manbunong‟ during the rituals. During the ritual, the
„manbunong‟ will utter prayers in offering the materials and ask for the forgiveness of the
affected spirits and to bring fortune to the host family.
According to the respondents, they used prayers to present the materials as gifts to the
gods or spirits through prayers. The „manbunong‟ may use „day-eng‟ (chant) or
„basabas‟ (wish) to utter prayers.

This corroborates the study of Sacla (1987) that „day-eng‟ is telling the prayers through
singing during feast to express their wish or desire while „basabas‟, the shouting of a wish
by an elder to the dancing of whoever the celebrating family is and other elders.

Perceived Importance of practicing 'Baknaw' in the Community

Most of the respondents said that the essence of „baknaw‟ on the community is to
help sick people get well through the use of curative rituals. Furthermore, Benguet Igorots
have a number of rituals that can be classified as to the following: the curative rituals to
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heal a sick person or preventive rituals to avert an impending misfortune to a person such
as sickness, accident or even death (BNCIP, 2001).

This corroborates to the study of Fiar-od (1987) that curative rituals are one of the
manifestations of the richness of a certain culture. Also, the performance of cultural
practices like chants, dances, and storytelling are inevitable to separate. These are
collective memory to help sustain the reciprocal relationship among the people, the land,
he spirits, and the supreme beings.

Moreover, the respondents claimed that they use „baknaw‟ when modern medicine cannot
cure the illness of the patient. Baucas (2003) added that if the patient is not receptive to
modern medicine and his sickness worsens, the patient is brought out of the hospital, even
against doctors advice, to be brought to some other alternatives healers, or brought home
as a last resort to perform some curative rituals. Sometimes, after a healing ritual, the
patient gets well; if not, another ritual is performed.

The respondents further stated that „baknaw‟ has a role on environmental preservation.
They believed that there are nature spirits that protects the land, water and air. This
corroborates to the findings of Sabharwal (2006) that environmental protection
encompasses not only pollution but also sustainable development and conservation of
natural resources and the eco-system. Environmental degradation can be either localized
such as the depletion of a nation‟s forest resources, or global, such as destruction of the
ozone layer.
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Moreover, Busil-ak noted that the community does not need to travel far just to get
well; they just have to go to the „mansip-ok‟ to be cured. He also mentioned that severe
illness like skin disease does not require a long process to be cured; they got quick aid to
cure this illness.

The respondents stated that prayers in „baknaw‟ are very important because this is
a form of communication to the other world where the gods and goddesses are. In their
prayer, they ask help in healing the patient or to whom the patient caused harm and needed
to be appeased. This is confirmed by the World Bank (1997) that the significant
contributions to global knowledge have originated from the indigenous people, for
instance, in medicine and veterinary medicine with their intimate understanding of their
environment.

Challenges in Practice of „Baknaw‟ in the Community
Expensive materials. Majority of the respondents claimed that performing
„baknaw‟ is too expensive. This is because the ritual animal and the materials offered
during rituals are expensive. This affirms to Egangan (2003) that since, customarily the
ritual requires financial and material expenses, the person or family observing the ritual
has to prepare for the expected amount to incur to its performances.

Akbaya-an Benites, an elder, added that the livelihood of people on the community is
purely based on farming like planting vegetables and rice so the income is not stable.

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Busil-ak further stated that during the old times, the ancestor‟s domesticate animals and
they do not need to buy one from far places. However, he noted that there are alternatives
to be done to minimize the expenses. For instance, instead of a pig, chicken can be an
alternative.
This corroborates to the statement of Egangan (2003) that traditional healing rituals are
not completely discarded by the people because of its high cost performance the ritual is
only modified to lessen the expenses to suit to the economic condition of present times.
However, Pedro Caluinsuay, another elder, contradicts that lessening the value of animal
cannot satisfy the spirits or gods. In return, misfortunes to the family will happen or it will
not cure the illness.
Deceiving people. Benites pleaded that Din odom ay mansip-ok yan umilokloko si pada
na ay ipugaw.Wat nan pan pilakan nu pankedawan si gameng gapu ta amu da ay
mansaksakit ya patien na din ibaga din mansip-ok, da naey din kanan da ay peke pumadto”
(Some of the „mansip-ok‟ today fool people in order to have money and goods.
They deceive and take advantage on the sick person‟s weaknesses only for their personal
interests. They are called fake native priests).
For example, when a person goes to a „mansip-ok‟ who interprets to offer a pig.
But when he did the ritual and yet his illness was not cured, the patient consults again the
„mansip-ok‟ who will prescribe another ritual. If the spirit rituals and the interpretation
were not correct, the money, time and effort are wasted.
Time consuming. Sabey Bayacsan added that „baknaw‟ is time consuming because some
rituals take days to perform the rituals. Because of this some people go to the farm to reduce
the observations in ritual whiles some go to the farm so as not to waste time. This supports
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the study of Egangan (2003) that such case entails lessening the observance of the
traditional healing rituals and resorting to modern medical treatment instead.
Furthermore, some elders added that some of the „mansip-ok‟ first prediction is effective
while some are not. For instance, when he require you at first to butcher a pig but was not
effective, then he said that it should be a carabao instead,+ the time spend is not valued.
Spread of Christianity. During the past years that the community of Bakun has been
occupied by pastors, different churches had been constructed and introduction of
Christianity was reinforced. Segundo shared that since Christianity came, some do not
longer embrace cultural practices because the community claimed it as a form of paganism
and should be forgotten.
The result confirms the finding of Egangan (2003) that religious conversion seldom
involves a complete eradication of the older religious forms, and so, elements of this tend
to persist along with the new faith. Sometimes, the old forms are modified and incorporated
in newer religion.
Benites also added that they are now a civilized Christians and are not pagans anymore,
doing such things is against their belief. The study corroborates to the statement of
Gaddang (2006), today, the Roman Catholic Church has seen the need to understand the
spirituality among the highland people. The traditions and spiritual beliefs of indigenous
peoples have found acceptance among people across the globe.
However, Benites concluded that there was no progress on the purpose of „baknaw‟ so
the essence will no longer remember. The community does not believe „baknaw‟ anymore
and no one is trusted to do the practice. The knowledge of doing this is passed by their
ancestors and the power to predict especially in communicating to the
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spirits.
The findings of Gas-ib , as cited by Egangan (2003) that the degree of influence of the
religious groups made on the cultural practices of some cordilleras‟ particular, to the
bringing of the sick to the quack doctor, is less.
Extinction of „mansip-oks‟ and „manbunong‟. Baguitan stated that the „mansipoks‟ who
have a gods-given power in interpreting are becoming extinct. The chance of passing this
power is low for no one wishes it to have because of the influence of modernization and
also the „manbunong‟. The respondents added that the „mansip-oks‟ are chosen by the
gods and goddesses to give the power of communicating to them in interpreting signs.
Moreover, the respondents also claimed that if no one will lead these practices no one will
follow. The capability to pass on to the next generation is always a challenge for them. The
elders who knew the practice do not longer classify how it is done.
Presence of health services. The people of Bakun are becoming educated about medicines.
Some of the community are medically qualified and licensed to give people medical
treatment. According to the respondents, some educated members of the community like
nurses and doctors have their community outreach program like free check-ups and giving
off medicines. They are being encouraged to get into modern medicine since they are doing
this in their place where there is a lack of assistance in curing illnesses.
Baguitan states that the community believes that if a person is sick, he/she can take
medicines or if not, go to the health services like barangay clinics to be cured. The support
the findings of BNCIP (2001) that today the patient is first referred to medically trained
community health workers or nurses who give the necessary remedies or referrals.
The patient is brought to a doctor‟s clinic for consultation and treatment.
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Bayacsan added that the community believed that these illnesses were caused by weather
changes easily and environment conditions. This was supported by the BNCIP (2001) that
illnesses can be natural which are brought about by the bacteria and viruses or by changes
in the weather or the environment. Such afflictions are curable by local pharmacology or
modern medications.
On the other hand, in the study conducted by Egangan (2003) as cited by Hunt
(2003), he revealed that, although the younger and better educated adults in rural barrios
used more scientific medical facilities than their parents, they continued to use folk
medicine to an equal extent.
The respondents claimed that the progress of science today is becoming more influenced.
The advanced technologies and medicine are easy to acquire since they do not need to
travel in far places just to avail. They can simply buy a medicine on the store and they can
be easily get cured.

Values Communicated in the Practice of „Baknaw‟

Alceman Ulbano, an elder, said that in the cultural practice there are values that the
community is adapting and learning lessons not only to come and enjoy. This corroborates
the statement of Jenkins (2005) that every culture has a set of moral and social values.
These derive over the pre-history and are modified with each generation. Some cultures
or societies change faster than others, but there is a stability found in a common set of
values. These values, true enough, are often held as ideals more than implemented as
realities. Still, the accepted set of values, ideals, goals and standards are part of the
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character of a "culture." It is a basic goal of every culture, tribe or nation to maintain its
own identity as a group. The specific values found in a certain culture will relate to this
maintenance.
Unity. The performing of rituals in the community is always joined by the relatives of the
host, friends and families and also the community. Busil-ak said that when a person is
having a „sida‟ or „canao‟ days after the celebration, the whole community is informed to
come and support the patient since the invitation is open to anyone.
This is similar to the findings of Celino (1990), the values being transplanted in rituals
includes the cultivation and development of a deep sense of community membership that
when neighbors come together show oneness and unity to ease the plight of a bereaved
family.
Some respondents also said that this event is not required to be attended. The event is on
the community to reinforce initiative to join and show their love to their fellow kaili-an ,
pakikisama and pakikidamay . These are the reasons that some go and participate with
the reason that the feeling of oneness serves as bonding and an avenue to share stories.
This confirms the study of Wright (2010) who further noted her article Filipino cultural
values which say that many Filipino cultural values reflect the desire to be together as a
group like pakikisama . This is the ability to get along with the group, and to enjoy
camaraderie and togetherness. One who understands pakikisama will yield to group
opinion and sacrifice individual welfare for group welfare.
Respect. Respondents emphasized their respect on the cultures and beliefs because this is
where their forefathers live and learn. And more, these practices are running through their
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bloods so they just cannot remove those ones that they depended from. These practices
should be given a right treatment even though we brand it as paganism.
The latter role affirms the statement of Dumanghi (1995) that knowing ones' roots does
not mean going back to it; however, there is joy in rediscovering ones' childhood, its'
freshness , its' simplicity , and its' truth which serves as practical roles for guidance of men
in a certain ethnic group. As people have self-retrospection with regard to their cultural
practices, beliefs and rituals, they come to realize what are worth perpetuating.
Moreover, the community upholds respect for elders who are knowledgeable and
experienced in the cultural practices. This respect is reflected by the way how the elders
are treated during the ritual, elders are prioritized and given places where they are
comfortable and given such attention. The justifications for the efforts of the old folks to
transmit to the younger their practices are some values presented (Omengan, 1961).
Benites also stated that one of the values of the Philippines is children should obey
their parents because if they will defy parental advises, it will bring misfortune or their life
becomes tragic. The youth also used signs of respect such as lolo , lola and others.
Helpfulness. According to Busil-ak, the role of the elders is to assist the performing of
rituals in the provision of the processes and guidelines. They are the one to direct the rules
and regulations in doing a ritual; as to what or not to do during the performance.
Other respondents also perceived that the community also helps in cooking and
preparing foods for the visitors. Each of the people involved have role on the performance
of the rituals and they must work together to attain a good result.
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Hospitality. Filipinos appreciated hospitality as a value which is also common to
Igorots when welcome and entertain their visitors. The host prepares food to offer their
guests in attending this kind of cultural events because the host attends to the guests'
contentment and satisfaction, this value is appreciated by the community.
Irrationalism. Some of the respondents noted that some of them still practice traditional
healing especially when the illness of the person cannot be cured by medicine or when the
cause of the illness is not yet found. Benites said that this practice of healing is also
appreciated by the community during the times when they needed to pray for the spirits or
gods.
People still believed in gods of the nature and spirits and offer them foods and
placate the sprits to heal the illness and provide them a good harvest.











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SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary
The study was conducted to understand the practice of „baknaw‟ in Bakun,
Benguet. Specifically, it aimed to identify „baknaw‟; the process of „baknaw‟; identify the
perceived importance of „baknaw‟ in the community; identify the challenges in the
practice of the „baknaw‟ in community; and the values being reflected.
The study was conducted in two barangays of Bakun, Benguet namely; Dalipey and
Sinacbat with one (1) key informant, a „mansip-ok‟ and 19 respondents who were the
elders of the community. Elders are main source of knowledge of traditional practices
because they were exposed and experienced being the host of such practice.
The data were gathered through personal interview by the researcher with the use of guide
questionnaire and interview schedule. Data gathering was conducted from January to
February 2013.
„Baknaw‟ practice is one of the traditional healing practices to determine the spirit that
causes illness and the ritual to be performed during the practice that will help the patient to
cure the illness.
„Baknaw‟ is done by the „mansip-ok‟ or the „manbaknaw‟ through the use of some
materials that will help them in foretelling the cause and the cure. The „manbaknaw‟ will
ask the help of the spirits of nature, the gods, the moon and the sun.
Some people believed that this „manbaknaw‟ was given powers by the gods to speak to
them and appease the spirits that had harmed.
The reason why the respondents use „baknaw‟ was embedded to tradition and
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ancestors practice. They use this as an alternative cure for the rural areas because of the
lack of modern medicines, doctors and nurses to consult. Another is their faith on this
practice of healing that can cure them without using any technology and doesn‟t require
any operation.
„Baknaw‟ also has contributions to discipline the people. The community during the old
days is scared to do anything bad to the environment or do felony to other people. They are
afraid of the gods and spirits around as they respect them as what they are. Not like today
that people don‟t have to think twice to do sin especially in devastating the environment.
Community do not deny that traditional healings were the first medicinal venue for health
concerns.
Furthermore, it also contributes to the protection of our culture particularly on the
traditional practices in Benguet and other part of the Cordillera, as a part indigenous
knowledge, systems and practices and cultural values, respectively. The challenge that
affects the practice is modernization where „baknaw‟ is only practiced by some.
„Baknaw‟ has a part of broader indigenous knowledge where numerous of rituals are based
and the nature spirits which are the primary reasons in every aspect of a culture particularly
in indigenous practices.
The values perceived in „baknaw‟ are unity, respect, helpfulness, and irrationalism.

Conclusions

The following conclusions were drawn from the findings of the study:
1.
The „baknaw‟ is a traditional means of communication to the nature spirits
to help cure the patient.
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2.
„Baknaw‟ is still believed to help sick people get well from their illnesses
caused by spirits.
3.
There are different materials and prayers uttered in „baknaw‟ to
communicate
to the gods and spirits.
4.
„Baknaw‟ is seen as an alternative way for the people that cannot be cured
by modern medicine.
5.
Modernization remains to be a challenge in practicing or sustaining certain
cultural practices like „baknaw‟.
6.
There are still values that can be identified in cultural practice like
„baknaw‟.
7.
„Baknaw‟ plays a primary role in the protection of the traditional practices
in
Benguet.
Recommendations
From the findings and conclusions drawn, the following were being recommended:
1.
The practice of „baknaw‟ may be maintained because it is perceived to be
effective.
2.
The municipality of Bakun may make documentations concerning
„baknaw‟ through audio-visual or photo documentation to keep records for further
researchers.
3.
Related study of each of the curative rituals under „baknaw‟ to add more
research on the traditional healing of Benguet.
4.
Further studies regarding „baknaw‟ and other traditional practices of Bakun
are recommended.

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