BIBLIOGRAPHY FABA-AN, LAARNI F. APRIL...
BIBLIOGRAPHY

FABA-AN, LAARNI F. APRIL 2007. Communication Media Used in
Transmitting ‘Cañao’ Rites and Practices: The Case of the Laoyan Clan. Benguet State
University, La Trinidad, Benguet.
Adviser: Marife D. Carpio, BSc
ABSTRACT

This study aimed to identify the major actors in transmitting the information on
‘cañao’, to identify the communication media used in transmitting ‘cañao’, and to have
an inventory of the documentations made on ‘cañao’.

The needed information was obtained through in-depth interviews with the
members of the Laoyan clan, using guide questionnaires and a tape recorder.

The findings revealed that the Laoyan clan still believes in the practice’s
authenticity of appeasing the spirits to bring cure, blessings, prestige, and good luck.
However, some factors such as education, economy, and Christianity hold backs the clan
to perform the highest level of ‘cañao’ (‘peshit’) hence, they just perform the smaller
scale during reunions.

Being a participant-observer was the clan members’ way of learning the practice.
Elders of the clan orient the younger generation on the rites and ceremonies however,
major actors in transmitting the practices and rites may soon be gone from this life, thus,
it is recommended that ‘cañao’ rites and practices be institutionalized and put into
writings and other means of documentations.


It is further recommended that the Department of Education should use the school
curriculum as a means of transmission of information on Cordillera cultures.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS











Page
Bibliographhy………………………………………………………………………….. i
Abstract……… ……………………………………………………………………….. i
Table of Contents ……………………………………………………………………… iii

INTRODUCTION

Rationale…………………………………………………………….………….. 1

Statement of the Problem……………………………………….……………… 3

Objectives of the Study…………………………………………….………….. 3

Importance of the Study…………………………………………….…………. 3

Scope and Limitation………………………………………………….……….. 4
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Caňao ……………………………………………………………………… 5

Cultural Beliefs and Practices …………………………………………….. 6

Communication Media ……………………………………………….…… 8

Cultural Change ……………………………………………………………. 10

Definition of Terms ……………………………………………………….. 11

METHODOLOGY

Locale and Time of the Study…………..…………………………………….. 12

Respondents of the Study……………………………………………………… 12
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Data Collection ………….………………………...…………………………. 12

Data Gathered .………………………………………………………………... 14

Data Analysis………………………………………………………………….. 14
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The Laoyan Clan and the ‘Caňao’ ……………………………………………. 15

Major Actors in Transmitting ‘Caňao’

Rites and Practices…………………………………………….……………. … 16


Communication Media Used in Transmitting
‘Caňao’ Rites and Practices ……………………..…………………………… 22


Documentations on ‘Caňao’ ..…………………..………………..…………… 25

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary………………………………………………………………………. 29

Conclusions………………………………………………….……………….. 29

Recommendations………………………………………………………... …. 30
LITERATURE CITED………………………………………………………………. 31
APPENDICES:

Appendix A. Interview Schedule ……..……………………..……………… 33

Appendix B. Letter to the Respondents …………………………………..… 36


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INTRODUCTION

Rationale
The Philippines is known worldwide for its rich and diverse cultural heritage. It
has a whole complex of distinctive spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features
that characterize the society or societal group.
Culture is the accumulation of material objects, patterns of social organization,
learned modes of behavior, knowledge, beliefs, and all other activities, which are
developed in human association (Andres, 1994). Culture identifies a group of people
clearly showing their uniqueness from other groups. It includes creative expression, oral
history, language, literature, performing arts, fine arts and crafts, community practice,
traditional healing methods, traditional natural resource management, celebration and
patterns of social interaction that contributes to groups and individual welfare and of
course, material or built forms such as sites, buildings, historic city centers, landscape,
arts and objects.
Cordillera’s beliefs and practices, specifically their way of appealing to the
‘anitus’ or unseen spirits have long been embedded in their culture. Some of these
practices have been handed down from generation to generation and remained resilient in
spite of the pressures from changing times. ‘Cañao’, for one, is a ritual that Cordillerans’
still uphold today. The term ‘cañao’ or ‘kanyaw’ is not identified with any of the
Montañosa dialects. It is a term coined and popularized by lowlanders to refer to the feast
or ritual which may be held on occasions such as marriage, death, curing a sickness, and
at several stages during the planting and harvesting cycle of a highland crop. It is
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generally celebrated with prayers of the elders (‘Mambunong’) and performing the
traditional dances called ‘Tayao’ and ‘Bendian’, food offering, eating, and rounds of
traditional wine (‘Tapey’). Some ‘Cañao’ may last for two to three days, depending on
the occasion. To the Ibaloys, ‘cañao’ is referred to as ‘kedot’, ‘chilus’, or ‘kechang’.
There is now, however marked changes in the observance of the ‘cañao’ as shown
by the waning observance and/or modifications of the rituals involved. It has undergone
considerable transformation, discarding some aspects and adopting new things. Some
aspects of this practice are slowly slipping from our grip and if this is not attended to, this
important socio-religious celebration may face total extinction.
Many concerned writers, educators, elders, documentators, and others strive to
relay to the younger generations the needed information just to preserve the mother-
culture. In present-day celebrations of the ritual, the youth are given major roles as they
will be the ones to inherit whatever will happen to the land and its resources.
To further preserve ‘cañao’, there is then a need to identify the best medium of
communicating and handing it down to the younger generations and to identify the
changes wrought down to it by the modern times.
The study then focuses on the Laoyan clan residing at Betag, La Trinidad,
Benguet, since they are one among the oldest clans who is still practicing ‘cañao’ (‘Ibaloi
cañao’) purposively for anniversaries, thanksgiving and reunions. They also have a
written documentation (published) on their family history, which includes some data on
how they perform the ‘cañao’.


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Statement of the Problem
This study primarily aims to identify the major actors in communicating or
handing down the practice of ‘cañao’ and how the medium of communication has
affected the tradition. Specifically, it answers the following questions:
1. Who are the persons involved in disseminating the information about
‘cañao’?
2. What are the communication media used in conserving ‘cañao’?
3. What are the documentations made on ‘cañao’?

Objectives of the Study
With the general objective of preserving this specific traditional culture, the study
specifically aimed:
1. to identify major actors in transmitting information about ‘cañao’;
2. to identify the communication media used in transmitting ‘cañao’;
3. to have an inventory of the documentations made on ‘cañao’.

Importance of the Study
The study serves as a tool or reference in conserving ‘cañao’ as one of the living
cultures of La Trinidad. It also provides an insight for the many, especially the young to
reflect and appreciate the importance and relevance of their traditional background. The
study is not just for Benguet people but for those whose traditional beliefs and practices
have undergone or are undergoing considerable transformations. This study also
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provides a basis for communication practitioners in assessing the importance of
communication media.

Scope and Limitation
The study focuses on the performance of ‘cañao’ by the Laoyan clan. It
considered three members of the clan representing two generations.


















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REVIEW OF LITERATURE

‘Cañao’
Legend has it that long ago, the first family had so many pigs, the man did not
know what to do with the pigs, and was complaining at the bother of having to take care
of them.
Now ‘Kabunian’ in the sky heard his complaints and so came down as a man and
spoke, “If you do not know what to do with the pigs, you make ‘tapey’. I shall return in
eight days and explain to you what to do.”
According to his promise, ‘Kabunian’ returned on the eighth day and explained
how to use the pigs and ‘tapey’ in performing ‘cafey’, ‘sabeng’, and ‘pechit’. The
performance of these is a ‘mangdaoat’, popularly known as ‘Canao’ (Tiotioen, n.d.).
A ‘cañao’ is a socio-religious celebration in which a chicken, pig, or carabao is
sacrificed and feasted upon. For some, such as the ‘Ibalois’, this (‘cañao’) is a term for
communal wedding feast hosted by and celebrated for rich families.
Some ethno-linguistic group in the Cordillera region may term ‘cañao’ as ‘pechit’,
‘cafey’, ‘keyad’, ‘kosdey’, ‘tchungas’, ‘batbat’, or ‘kafe’.
A ‘cañao’ may take place at an ‘ato’, on sacred mountains, or in home according
to purpose.
According to Face (2005) a ‘cañao’ may be performed with in the family or
involving the whole community depending on the purpose. Depending on the occasion, a
cañao may last for two to three days, or even months, such as the funeral of known and
rich personalities which may last for as long as five months.

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Cultural Beliefs and Practices
The Benguet people believed in the existence of unseen beings (spirits) that
emanate from the sky world and the underworld. It is further believed that these unseen
beings can be manipulated by men to his advantage. With this, the people strive to win
the favors of the spirits using prayers and material offerings in a ritual.

Kinds of cañao. Before any of the kind of ‘cañao’ is celebrated such as the
‘pechit’/’pedit’, ‘kape’/’cafey’, ‘batbat’, ‘keyad’, ‘sabeng’, ‘kosdey’ and ‘tchungas’, a
‘mambunong’ is first requested to determine the kind of ‘cañao’ to offer to ‘Kabunian’
(Tiotioen, n.d.).
The performance of ‘cañao; depends on the cause of an event, depending on what
spirit has touched.
Kape. There are several situations where this ritual ‘kape’ or ‘cafey’ is sponsored
- when a wedding ceremony is performed, after the burial of the dead, when a lightning
struck a house, and after entering a new house (Baucas, 2003). If any of the family
dreamed of a good omen after the celebration, the host will sacrifice again a life of a
small pig to offer to ‘Kabunian’ as a thanksgiving for the good omen he has expressed
through dreams by any of the family members that performed the ‘kape’ (Tiotioen, n.d.).
Batbat. ‘Batbat’ is the kind of cañao to be performed by the sick person. This
‘cañao’ last for about one day and one night. ‘Tapey’ is served mostly to old men and
women while singing and dancing. After the ‘cañao’ is performed, the sick person gets
well in few days or weeks by somewhat a miracle cure through healing by native
superstitious beliefs (Tiotioen, n.d.).
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Keyad. This is performed voluntarily or compulsory. When a rich family has
several heads of animals and wants to maintain his leadership in his barrio as a headman,
he performs the ‘keyad’ voluntarily or the compulsory class. A carabao or cow is
butchered for the ‘keyad’, but to add more volume of meat for the food of the people
gathered and distributed to all neighbors and neighboring barrios, at least five to ten
animals or more are butchered which may be bought or produced by the performer
(Tiotioen, n.d.).
Sabeng. ‘Sabeng’ is a Benguet festival ‘cañao’ celebrated or performed without
consulting the ‘mambunong’ by a native young couple. It is the beginning of the ‘peshit’.
This kind of festival ‘cañao’ is to be performed by all married persons but due to
financial means, only the well to do class of people celebrates it (Tiotioen, n.d.).
Pechit. This marks the elevation of the status of the feast giver to the wealthy
class (Lucky, 2005). The ‘pechit’ celebration lasts from one to three days or even up to
five days. Once it is completely performed by a wealthy man, then he is automatically
become a member of a headman to have command power and respect by the people in his
territory or the entire residents of the municipality (Tiotioen, n.d.).
Kosdey. This is a rite performed at dusk just as the moon rises over a blooming
rice field to invoke the fertility of the soil. It is held during the month of May (Lucky,
2005).
Tchungas. It is a purification rite, with a ceremony held to avenge the ghosts of
the enemies who killed their people in the past and whose heads were cut off and brought
home as trophies. This ritual also signifies the purification of those whom they have
avenged.
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Instruments
used.
The basic musical instruments which are played during ‘cañao’
and the feasts are the gongs and drums, and a pair of iron bars. These instruments are
generally played by elder men who are well-versed on the definite musical sequence.
Both instruments are beaten with wooden sticks called ‘pitog’. The drums always come
in pairs. The smaller one, which is the main instrument, is called ‘solibao’ and the
slightly bigger one is the ‘kimbal’. The last pair of instrument is the ‘palas or tiktik’. It
consists of two pieces of iron which are struck together by a dancer.
When the pigs are to be killed one by one, the performer thrust a sharpened stick
(‘ohwik’) into its heart.
Persons involved. The key person in the ritual is the ‘mambunong’, chosen as
spiritual leader and counsel for members of the community. The members involved in the
celebration depend on the purpose of ‘cañao’. For family ‘cañao’, only the family
members and relatives have to attend. A grand ‘cañao’ involve the participation of the
community people for it has the focus of entertainment, cultural shows and festivities.
At most, ‘cañao’ is not only for the performance of the culture, not only for the
appeasing of spirits, not only to obey the beliefs and practices of our great forefathers, but
also to unify a tribe.
According to Domogan (2005) a ‘cañao’ does not only to unify a tribe, it was also
a way for everybody to catch up with the news about the community.

Communication Media
Benguet province, since the early days, followed unwritten customs and law. The
word of the wealthy (‘baknang’), who performs the most feasts, and the council of elders
prevail in the community. Though the practices are unwritten, it is followed because of its
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attachment to the belief systems. Although those belief systems are unwritten, it was
passed from one generation to another until this day (Sacla, 1987).
However, a lot of materials and buildings are produced to sustain the young
generation’s mind. One of these is the museum. It is an area to accommodate display of
artifacts and exhibits, including local artistic crafts and paintings, as well as historical
writings, pictorials and documents (Keith, 1994).
Even the traditional printed material - the book – is still a powerful tool. It can
transmit ideas and symbols, and images. The book has its advantages – it is of low cost
and portable, students or researchers use it at any place they choose, they can return to
any point at any time, they can stop at any point, take it home or to the park and even use
it during their travel or at school.
Computers are being more and more used in many different experimental
programs. In many cases, they are just a more complex form of programmed instruction
texts, with higher levels of branching.
Sound tapes may find their role in some special applications. There are some
tapes containing data of physical experiments or events.
The spoken word is the most traditional teaching tool and a perfect weapon for
encouraging researcher or student passivity (Raw, n.d.).
These communication media’s purpose is to lead in the study, preservation and
promotion of the province’s rich artistic, historic, and cultural heritage, reconstruction
and rebuilding the province’s glorious past (Keith, 1994).



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Cultural Change
It is quite commonly believed in the public world that traditional arts are facing
the danger of extinction and therefore, need to be preserved (Reyes, n.d.).
All cultures are inherently predisposed to change and, at the same time, to resist
change. There are factors and processes that encourage the acceptance of new ideas and
things while there are others that encourage changeless stability. These include forces of
work within a society, contact between societies and changes in the natural environment.
Within a society, processes leading to change include invention and culture loss. Religion
also often provides strong moral justification and support for maintaining traditional
ways.
Western influences also such as religion, education, and commercialization
decreased the practice of some cultural ritual.
Igorot culture through time will assume various forms, simple because unlike
cultural artifacts, traditional events cannot be preserved in museums. These cultures can
die unless continually performed (Malanes, 2003).








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Definition of Terms
anito – malevolent spirit
ap-apo – spirits of the ancestors that lived in the sky world and maybe summoned
by the native priest to come to earth to render blessing to the living kin
Kabunyan – a term for the Cordillerans to refer to God the Creator
kadangyan – a rich man, materially well-off, a person having performed the most
feasts in the locality
mambunong – a native priest that administers the prescribed ritual cure or healing
ritual
mankotom/ama/lalakay – council of elders
pechit/peshit – rich man’s feast
solibao – drum made of logs by the natives themselves played with the gongs to
produce music during feast
tapey/tapuy – a fermented rice wine used as wine offering in rituals
tayaw/tayao – the native dance performed during feast
communication
media – materials used in information dissemination
major
actors – people who are well-versed on the practice of cañao
first
generation – Clemente Laoyan I

second generation – children of Clemente Laoyan I

third generation – grand children of Clemente Laoyan I

fourth generation – great grand children of Clemente Laoyan I



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METHODOLOGY

Locale and Time of the Study
The study was conducted from November 2006 to January 2007 at La Trinidad,
the capital town of Benguet Province (Figure 1). La Trinidad has its own interesting
contributions to the colorful history of the Cordilleras and is known for having a strong
hold of the practice of ‘cañao’. It has become a melting pot of different cultures with not
only the Ibalois, Kankanaeys and Kalanguyas as residents but also with a sizeable
lowlander population.

Respondents of the Study
The specific respondents of the study are members of the Laoyan clan since they
are among the oldest clans in La Trinidad who are still performing the ‘cañao’. It covered
two generations (the third and fourth generation), since the first and second generation
are deceased and some have migrated to another country. The researcher took three
representatives from each generation.

Data Collection
Purposive sampling and the snowball technique was used to identify the key
informants in the study. Further, guide questions were used during the interviews which
were recorded on cassette tapes.


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Figure 1. Map of Benguet showing the locale of the study



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The study relied on personal interviews using Ilokano as the language medium
because most of the interviewee prefers to speak in Ilokano. A personal interview with
the key informants was conducted as facilitated by the interview schedule.

Data Gathered
The data gathered were on the communication media used in the preservation of
the Igorot ‘cañao’ and the changes in the execution of the tradition. It also includes the
changes in the practice and other perceived factors affecting the changes. In addition,
data on where else can one have access to reliable information about ‘cañao’ were also
included.
Data Analysis
Data gathered were organized, summarized, and presented in narrative form.



















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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The Laoyan Clan and the ‘Cañao’

Clemente Laoyan was the oldest Laoyan who lived in La Trinidad, Benguet.
Following the wishes of his parents, Clemente at 16 married Albin Martini (14) from
Tabangaoen, where the Farm School buildings now stand. Of Albin’s 20 pregnancies,
seven were miscarriages while one was a set of twins.

In his lifetime, never did Clemente turn his back to the cultural traditions of his
ancestors although he was baptized as a Catholic. He sustained the patriarchal teachings
and faith of his ancestors by performing ‘cañao’.

To this day, his performance of ‘cañao’ is known among old men in the Ibaloi and
Kankana-ey tribes of Benguet. Laoyan I performed the prestigious ‘Peshit’, the highest
degree in the ladder of ‘cañao’ achieved only by the wealthy in Benguet. He performed
the ‘peshit’ four times (as thanksgiving). And during his death in 1947, the ‘aramag’ was
done in his honor. The ‘aramag’ is a 40 day burial rite that entails of butchering of a
number of cows, pigs, horses, and chickens. People who attend the burial are fed with
different kinds of meat, heaps of pancakes, vegetable fare, and ‘camote’ and ‘gabi’ with
jars of ‘tapuy’ and other liquors.
Performing
‘cañao’ is believed to appease malevolent spirits to bring good luck,
cure sickness, bring blessings, and to bring prestige to the host. A ‘cañao’ is performed
according to the purpose the ‘manbunong’ requires. The kinds of cañao being performed
in the Cordillera are ‘batbat’, ‘kosdey’, ‘sabeng’, ‘kape’, ‘keyad’, ‘tchungas’ and ‘peshit’.
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The ‘peshit’ as the highest degree of cañao, was performed by the first and second
generation of the Laoyan clan.

Informants state that the excerpts from the clan book were the portrayal of
Elvira’s ‘sedpang’ (a rite of appeasing the spirits).

Figure 2 shows that offerings (clothes) are spread on the cement before any rite
can take place. Rolled tobacco and cigarette, coins in a bag, ‘tapuy’ and beer, are also
served as offerings. Some members of the clan hold a rope to symbolically lead the
sacrificial pig before it is slaughtered.

After the slaughtering of the pig, Elvira and her family sit around the food,
including all the garments offered for the meal as the ‘mambunong’ blesses it as shown in
Figure 8 and 9.

Then the bones of Clemente I are cleaned and pieced back together, and placed on
clean blankets and clothes. The members then clean the bones of Clemente’s wife, and
placed in her coffin after. The bones were finally laid beside Clemente I.

Finally, after all bones were cleansed, Clemente’s bones are returned to his tomb
in Betag, while the bones of their three sons were brought to Buyagan Heroes Hill for re-
interment.

Major Actors in Transmitting ‘Cañao’
Rites and Practices

Informants pointed out that old folks or the elders who know the rite and practice
be the ones to teach or transmit to younger generation the information on ‘cañao’.
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Figure 2. Offerings during the ‘sedpang’ performed by ElviraLaoyan (2001)
























Figure 3. Angeline Laoyan-Pawid clan members hold the rope to symbolically lead
the sacrificial pig before it is slaughtered
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Figure 4. The slaughtering of the pig























Figure 5. The cooked pork is cut up, and served with lots of sili labuyo and soy
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Figure 6. After the bones are cleaned, they are placed on clean blankets and clothes





















Figure 7. Rolled tobacco and cigarette, coins in bag, tapey and beer, among
others are served as offerings. The ‘mambunong’ speaks to the spirits
while Elvira listens
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Figure 8. The ‘mambunong’ blesses the food offered before the family and guests eat




Figure 9. The hostess and her family sit around the food, includinmg all the garments
offered for the meal

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Figure 10.The ‘mambunong’ prays and offers the feast to the spirits of the dead
relatives.





















Figure 11. After the meal is eaten by everyone, the traditional ‘tayao’ and ‘sarong’
dance starts
*Photo credits: Clemente Laoyan I-His Life, His Family (Clan Book)
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The Laoyan elders relayed that while the practice is proceeding, the clan elders or
the parents would give details or stories on the practice. They added that it is better to
acquaint youngsters of the practice with an actual demonstration.

There is no specific age as to when the old folks orient the younger ones. The
Laoyans greatly recommend that while today’s generations are young, it would be better
for them to be acquainted with their own traditions, and consequently to further preserve
the traditions. During Clemente Laoyan’s time, his parents were instrumental in
informing him about the rite and practice of the ‘cañao’. Among Clemente I’s children,
two of them, the third and the fourth child (Oraja and Savel) were identified to carry on
the tradition. For the third and fourth generations, major actors in transmitting the
tradition are not identified though the elders oriented the members of the clan during
‘cañao’. Of the three daughters of Oraja, one of them (Rosaline) have performed the
prestigious ‘cañao’. Aside from Rosaline, none in her generation and the generation after
have performed the ‘peshit’.


Communication Media Used in Transmitting
‘Cañao’ Rites and Practices

During Clemente Laoyan I’s time, his parents or the elders of the clan relay the
meanings behind each rite of the ‘cañao’ whenever they or a host in the community
perform a ‘cañao’.
Part of the ‘cañao’ is the performance of the ‘badiw’ where the elders would
relate the life story of the host. Clemente took note of the rhythm of the ‘badiw’ which
he, in time taught to his children and grandchildren. The ‘badiw’ is sung with the
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‘pakkong’, a native bamboo instrument. Clemente I often led in the singing of the
‘badiw’ during a ‘cañao’. He was able to perform three ‘peshit’ when he was still alive.
And a ‘peshit’ was also performed during his death.

Cordillerans then believed in the sacredness of the practice that is why the
materials and actions are so selected to truly signify their intent and purpose. Some
materials or actions are prohibited because this may affect the sacredness of the practice.

Clemente Laoyan I loved the fields and gardens too. However, it was his wife
Albin, who took charge of the agricultural concerns. To help Albin with the family
activities, the old man Laoyan designated two of his daughters to tend to the fields and
gardens. As a consequence, the two were not sent to school because of their daily
responsibilities in the farm.. These two daughters, Oraja and Savel, schooled in the native
culture and customs, eventually were to carry on the ‘cañao’ tradition – each one
performing the ‘peshit’ thrice during their thanksgiving. Being a participant-observer
during a ‘cañao’ was their way of learning it.

Certainly, it was Oraja and her sister Savel who received the mandate from their
father to keep alive the required observation of the ‘cañao’ to honor and keep the memory
of the family and relatives who had gone ahead into the afterlife. During those ‘cañao’,
Clemente’s son, Mathew sang the ‘badiw’ and was always playing the gongs and dancing
around with the group. This he learned in always participating in all family or community
‘cañao’.

The performance of ‘peshit’ had stopped in the third and fourth generation.
Though they practice ‘cañao’, it is not anymore on the grand scale of a ‘peshit’ wherein
they have to feed the entire community. They recalled that during their childhood years,
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they just go along with their parents when someone performs ‘cañao’, may it be the
prestigious or the least kind of ‘cañao’. It is through actual observation and participation
that these generations learned the practice. Out of curiosity, some of the clan members
would ask about the performance of ‘cañao’ at any time and some had first hand
experience on the practice.

The Laoyan clan still practices ‘cañao’ up to this time, however, some changes
have occurred due to the onset of Christianity. Also, due to economic reasons, clan
members share with the expenses for holding a ‘cañao’, instead of designating only one
host family. The clan members talk over the expenses and assign who will be in-charge
of the animal offerings, the gathering place, the materials to be use, and others. Some of
the clan members or families do not have also enough time to talk over the practice with
their children because most of them have to attend to academic activities, or to the
demands of their professions. Thus, they have made some changes in the practice to suit
their present situation and needs.

In addition, with the increasing prices of goods and services, the clan only
performs their ‘cañao’ in reunion gatherings every after 2 or 3 years. That is why their
children do not often witness the actual practice. ‘Cañao’ is sometimes held for
thanksgiving but they do not already perform the ‘peshit’ as what their parents and
grandparents did.

This limits the chance for the younger generation to learn more about their
tradition. Nevertheless, oral transmission and actual observation is the clan’s way of
transmitting their own traditions to their descendants and to other peoples. However,
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doing this contributes to the fading play of the ‘cañao’. The meaning and the laws of the
practice is lost and some ideas are included as people talk about it.

The clan has also produced a clan book (Clemente Laoyan I – His life, His
Family) which includes excerpts from the book of Wasing Sacla (The treasury of Beliefs
and Home Rituals of Benguet) about the performance of the cañao. They also video
documented the practice during Elvira’s ‘sedpang’ for the old man Clemente and his
wife Albin together with their three sons Juanito, Jose and Domingo in 2001 and of
Warren Laoyan in 2004.

Evira Laoyan performed several ‘cañao’ during her time. Her ‘sedpang’ in 2001
was the very first ‘cañao’ to be video documented by the clan. She comes home every 2
or 3 years to perform the party called ‘sedpang’.


Documentations on ‘Cañao'

Table 1 presents the different documentations made on ‘cañao’.
Electronic instruments such as computers may find their way in documenting the
tradition, however, some information are not that reliable because of lack of validation
from the old folks who know the culture. ‘The Bontoc Igorot’ of Albert Ernest Jenks
research output as an example includes the Igorot culture as a group, the Bontoc culture
as a group, their general social life, their economic life, political life, aesthetic life,
religion, language, and folktales. But it is observed that the study doesn’t go in depth in
the roots of history of such culture.


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Table 1. Documentations made on ‘cañao’
TYPE OF MEDIA TITLE AUTHOR DATE OF









PUBLICATION/









PRODUCTION
Print media
The treasury of Beliefs and Home Wasing D. Sacla
1987
Rituals Of Benguet



Traditional Beliefs and Cultural Biano L. Baucas
2003


Practices in Benguet



Clemente Laoyan I – His life,
The Laoyan clan 2002


His Family

Audio visual The performance of ‘cañao’ by The Laoyan clan 2001, 2004
Media-video the Laoyan clan
documentation

Internet Benguet ‘cañao’

http://www.benguet.gov.ph/index. Province of


php?option=com_conte…
Benguet 2005





Philippines: Irony of “Dying Michiyo Yoneno







Reyes n.d.
Tradition”
http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/


ttcd/CU-o5.doc



The Bontoc Igorot

http://www.gutenburg.org/etext/ Albert Ernest


3308


Jenks 2005










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Joel Fagsao’s Mountainonline though includes the Mountain Province hometown,
its history, culture, tourism, people, and news; it doesn’t still have the full in-depth
information on the Province’s cultures and norms.
Clippings on the net also abound though it still represents only a little insight or
overview of the culture. One of which is by Michiyo Yoneno Reyes on his Irony of
“Dying Tradition” which presented the dying chant of the Ifugaos and a little bit of
culture as a whole.
The Benguet website as well has posted an overview of the Benguet’s culture and
tradition such as the Grand Cañao and a summary on how the practice was conducted.

In addition, institutions, and even private sectors, find their way to go place to
place to cover physical events and interviews. Every municipality has their own copy of
the practice of ‘cañao’ every time they have their foundation day celebration. However, it
is just for personal copies on the account that they still believe in the sacredness of the
ritual, hence, the government or municipality prohibits the selling of the footages.
This same reason goes with private or family copies. One private sector in La
Trinidad (Researchmate), together with the Kabayan LGU (ONKASKA) had produced a
documentary on the practice of ‘cañao’. However, it’s not for sale, but for future
reference purpose only.

According to Frances Laoyan, the clan had also produced video documentaries on
the practice of ‘cañao’, with the very first documentation by her Aunt Elvira Laoyan
followed by the ‘sedpang’ of Warren Laoyan in 2004.
There are some books which have been passed on to present generation which
could be judged as very satisfactory or being an excellent portrayal of the culture they are
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talking about. One of which is the first book of Sacla in 1987, the Treasury of Beliefs and
Home Rituals of Benguet which focuses on the Benguet traditions and beliefs that
Cordillerans still practice up to these times and one of which is the practice of ‘cañao’, its
kinds and how it is done. Moreover, some rites and practices also are believed to have
been degraded but still put into writing for future references.
Another is the latest book by Baucas (2003) – Traditional Beliefs and Cultural
Practices in Benguet that encompasses the same concerns as Sacla’s.

Furthermore, the Laoyan clan had produced their own clan book presenting the
descendants of Clemente Laoyan I as the oldest Laoyan in La Trinidad. Who practiced
the ‘cañao’ among his descendants was briefly discussed in the book.













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SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary
The study was conducted to identify the communication media used in
transmitting the information on ‘cañao’ by the Laoyan clan. Major actors in the study
who disseminate information on the rites of ‘cañao’ were identified as the elders of the
family or the community. Data were gathered through in-depth interviews with the
Laoyan clan which was represented by three informants of the clan’s two generations. A
tape recorder was used to document the interview sessions.

Several communication media were identified in disseminating the knowledge on
the practice of the tradition. These include books, clippings, computer-based information,
and the word of the mouth which were gathered in interview sessions. The spoken word
and actual observation however, were the traditional and most prevalent ways of
transmitting the rites during Clemente’s time down to his descendants.
Reasons of changes or modifications in the practice of ‘cañao’ by the Laoyan clan
are because of religion, modern education, increasing economy, and intermarriages of
different tribes and immigration, and not due to the communication media used.

Conclusions
The findings of the study proved that ‘cañao’ is believed to be the reflection of
every Igorot. It is a tradition of the Cordillerans that is still practiced until these modern
days. The Laoyan clan still believes in its authenticity of appeasing the spirits to bring
cure, blessings, prestige, and good luck.
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However, the Laoyan clan, because of education, economy, and mainly on
Christianity, performs the smaller scale of ‘cañao’ only during reunions. It is during these
times that elders have the chance to orient their children on the rites and materials to be
used in a ‘cañao’. They have limitations in informing their children about the other kinds
of ‘cañao’ due to non-observance anymore.
On the other hand, some books are published recently to show the practices and
verses of the Cordillera culture to somehow help in preserving it. The clan also has their
family book and had produced video documentations on the practice.
Although the discussion shows that the word of mouth is the traditional way of
transmitting the practice, it is still helpful to put into writing and other means of
documentations such as in electronic format about the culture, the artifacts, and detailed
process because old folks who know the original performance of the ritual may soon be
gone from this life. There is however a need to validate these documentations whether
they really reflect how the Igorots do it.

Recommendations
Since ‘cañao’ reflects the life of every Igorot, it is therefore recommended that its
preservation be a role to be seriously taken by the younger generations.
1. The Provincial Government, Municipalities and educational institutions should
support other communication means like museums and documentations, as well
as the production of printed materials
2. The Department of Education should use the school curriculum as a means of
transmission of information on Cordillera cultures.
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LITERATURE CITED

AFABLE, P. O. 1999. Linguistics and Notes on “Kanyaw”. Baguio Midland Courier

ANONYMOUS. 1986. Igorots and Ifugao Tribesmen Cultural History of Northern
Tribesmen. Retrieved August 19, 2006, from
http://www.seacresttrdaingco.com/new1986.html

BAUCAS, B. L. 2003. Traditional Beliefs and Cultural Practices in Benguet. New

Baguio Offset Press, p. 39-49

CUNANAN, B. 1996. Preserving the Nation’s Cultural Treasures. Culture. Vol. 2.

Baguio City Library. p. 17

CABREZA, V. 2005, April 26. Inquirer News Service. Philippine Daily Inquirer: p. A1
FACE, L. 2005. The Art of Cañao. Retrieved August 30, 2006, from
http://www.cordilleraonline.com/content/view/142/250/

KEITH, G. P.1994. Preserving Benguet’s Heritage. Baguio Daily Vibrations. Vol. 5 (9);
p.02

LAOYAN CLAN. 2002. Clemente Laoyan I – His Life, His Family

MALANES, M. 2003. Igorot dances in pure form. Retrieved August 26, 2006, from
http://www.travelsmart.net/article/1017681

RAW,I. n.d. Educational Technology Applied to the Learning of Science in Developing

Countries. Educational Research Center, Massachusetts Institute of Technology,

Cambridge, Mass. 02138, U.S.A., p. 53-68

REFUERZO, E. E. 1986. Kanyaw Reflects Ancient Igorot Life. Philippine Daily Inquirer


REYES, M. Y. n. d. Philippines: Irony of “Dying Tradition” Narratives – Ifugao Chant as

UNESCO “Masterpiece”. Retrieved August 19, 2006, from
http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/ttcd/CU-05.doc

PROVINCE OF BENGUET. 2005. Benguet Cañao, Retrieved September 09, 2006, from
http://www.benguet.gov.ph/index.php?option=com_conte...

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SACLA, W. D. 1987. Treasury of Beliefs and Home Rituals of Benguet. BCF Printing

Press, Baguio City, p. 5-10, 133-138

TIOTIOEN, E. n.d. Cañao (The Ibaloi Story) Manuscript










































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APPENDICES
Appendix A. Interview Schedule



INTERVIEWEE:
POSITION:
OCCUPATION:
GENERATION:
_____ 1st _____ 2nd _____ 3rd
DATE:
QUESTIONS:
1. How did you learn the practice of cañao?
2. Who is in-charge of transferring/teaching the practice of cañao to the younger
generation?
3. How is cañao communicated to the younger generation?
_____ through books
_____ through the museum
_____ through computers
_____ through sound tapes
_____ through spoken word
_____ others _______________________________________________________
4. How far back was cañao performed?
*How did cañao become a part of the Igorot traditions?
*Why is cañao performed?
*On what occasions should cañao be held?
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5. How should cañao be performed?
a. What are the steps in preparing for a cañao?
b. What are done during a cañao?
c. What are the animals to be offered?
Is it necessary to offer such?
Why not other animals?
d. How long should it be done?
e. Who should perform the cañao?
6. What are the differences of cañao in the past and now:
*as to the practices/rites?
* as to the participants involved?
* as to the proper time/occasion to perform?
* as to the length of time to perform?
* as to the (number of) offerings given?
*as to the materials used in the practice/rite?
*others
7. What are the possible reasons for the changes in the ceremonies for cañao?
*as to the practices/rites?
* as to the participants involved?
* as to the proper time/occasion to perform?
* as to the length of time to perform?
* as to the (number of) offerings given?
*as to the materials used in the practice/rite?
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*others
8. In what way do you think we could preserve the authenticity of cañao?
9. Where else (or how?) can we access reliable information to the practice of
cañao?




































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Appendix B. Letter to the respondents

Benguet State University
College of Agriculture
DEPARTMENT OF EXTENSION EDUCATION
AND DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION
La Trinidad, Benguet


February 20, 2007


MRS. URSULA DAOEY
Brent School
Baguio City


Madame:

Warm Greetings!

I am Laarni F. Faba-an, a fourth year student of Bachelor of Science in Development
Communication majoring in Educational Communication at Benguet State University. I
am presently conducting my Undergraduate Thesis on “Retaining a Heritage:
Communication Media Used in Transmitting Cańao Rites and Practices”.

In line, I would like to ask for your time for an interview on the issues that will answer
my objectives. I would be very thankful if you could inform me your most convenient
time for the interview.

Your participation in the study will be very much appreciated.

Thank you very much and God bless!



Respectfully yours,


LAARNI F. FABA-AN
Researcher

NOTED BY:

MARIFE D. CARPIO
Adviser
Communication Media Used in Transmitting ‘Cañao’ Rites and Practices:
The Case of the Laoyan Clan / Laarni F. Faba-an. 2007

Document Outline

  • Communication Media Used in Transmitting �Ca�ao� Rites and Practices: The Case of the Laoyan Clan
    • BIBLIOGRAPHY
    • ABSTRACT
    • TABLE OF CONTENTS
    • INTRODUCTION
      • Rationale
      • Statement of the Problem
      • Objectives of the Study
      • Importance of the Study
      • Scope and Limitation
    • REVIEW OF LITERATURE
      • �Ca�ao�
      • Cultural Beliefs and Practices
      • Communication Media
      • Cultural Change
      • Definition of Terms
    • METHODOLOGY
      • Locale and Time of the Study
      • Respondents of the Study
      • Data Collection
      • Data Gathered
      • Data Analysis
    • RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
      • The Laoyan Clan and the �Ca�ao
      • Major Actors in Transmitting �Ca�ao�Rites and Practices
      • Communication Media Used in Transmitting�Ca�ao� Rites and Practices
      • Documentations on �Ca�ao'
    • SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
      • Summary
      • Conclusions
      • Recommendations
    • LITERATURE CITED
    • APPENDICES