BIBLIOGRAPHY CORPUZ, BEATRIZ R. April 2006. Implications of Vegetable...
BIBLIOGRAPHY
CORPUZ, BEATRIZ R. April 2006. Implications of Vegetable Importation for the Roles
and Status of Women Farmers in Two Communities in Atok, Benguet. Benguet State University,
La Trinidad, Benguet.
Adviser: Ruth S. Batani, MA.SDS/MA. HSS
ABSTRACT
The study looked into the implications of vegetable importation to the roles and status of
women farmers in Sayangan and Englandad, Paoay, Atok.
With the use of semi-structured interview schedule and document review, the study
determined the socio-economic profile of the respondents; status of women respondents given
the changing situation in the vegetable industry, and identified the problems encountered by the
women farmers in the production level and heir solutions to these problems. It also determined
the change in the roles and status of these women respondents.
Sixteen women farmer respondents from sitios Sayangan and Englandad, Paoay, Atok
were selected in the basis of farmer-categories, willingness to be interviewed and residence in
the community.
Findings show that respondents fall into the old-age group, which means that they have
relatively long experience in farming. Most of the respondents are small owner-farmers who
largely depend on family labor and sometimes who resort to hired labor when family labor is not
enough.
The entry of imported vegetables have implications for the changing roles and status of
women in terms of access and control, time resources, access to services, material resources and
community involvement. The access and control over resources, however, depend on the
economic status of women, that is, women who farm at the same time do trading as well as who
own the farm and rent out other garden farms can access resources. On the other hand, women
who are daily-paid farmers (por dia) cannot access “other” sources of income.
Women farmers are beset with problems that are within and out of their control
nevertheless, these problems affect their status and roles as women farmers eventually their
economic productivity and development. With the onset of vegetable importation they are
bequeath with new challenges that will further marginalize their situation.
The solutions undertaken by the women farmers can help them survive their existing
status. But these solutions cannot prepare them face the challenges brought by the entry of
vegetable importation in the context of globalization. The implementation of WTO-AoA, women
farmers are caught off-guard.
The study pointed out the need to legislate policies that are gender sensitive, especially to
women farmers in the context of vegetable importation, and to provide them with agricultural
support services and appropriate measures to prepare women farmers in line with trade
liberalization.
Once again, the thesis which forwards that women, in terms of prolonged crisis are the
actual “coping mechanisms” has been proven in this study. There is therefore a need to conduct
researches (qualitative and quantitative as well as comparative) to be able to understand the
complexities of the effects of globalization to poor rural communities.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Bibliography……………………………………………………. i
Abstract ………………………………………………………... i
Table of Contents ………………………………………………. iv
INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………... 1
Background of the Study ………………………………….. 1
Statement of the Problem ………………………………….. 5
Objectives of the Study ……………………………………. 6
Importance of the Study …………………………………… 6
Scope and delimitation of the Study ………………………. 8
REVIEW OF LITERATURE …………………………………… 10
WTO-AoA ………………………………………………… 11
Women and Trade Liberalization …………………….......... 14
Import Liberalization
and the Agricultural Sector of Benguet…………………….. 19
Socio-Economic Profile ……………………………………. 23
Women’s Role and Status ………………………………….. 30
Problems Encountered by Women ………………………..... 34
Responses Employed at the Local Level …………………… 39
Conceptual Framework …………………………………….. 44
Definitions of Terms ………………………………………. 47
METHODOLOGY ……………………………………………… 51
Locale of the Study ………………………………………... 51
Respondents of the Study ………………………………….. 60
Instrumentation …………………………………………..... 60
Data Gathering …………………………………………….. 61
Statistical Treatment of Data ………………………………. 61
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ………………………………… 62
Socio-Economic profile of the Respondents ………………. 62
Women’s Role Before and After the
Implementation of WTO-AoA…………………………….. 89
Status of the Women Respondents ………………………… 93
Problems encountered by the Respondents ……………….. 107
Solutions Employed by the Respondents ………………….. 110
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS … 116
Summary ……………………………………………………. 116
Conclusions …………………………………………………. 118
Recommendations ………………………………………….. 120
LITERATURE CITED …………………………………………………. 123
APPENDICES …………………………………………………………... 128
A. Interview Schedule……………………………………………… 128
B. Total nflow Volume of Selected Highland Vegetable
in Baguio per Source …………………………………………..... 134
C. Area per Barangay in Atok ……………………………………… 135
D. Crops Grown in the Different Barangays in Atok ………………. 136
E. Total Production of Commodity,
Province of Benguet (1991-2001) ………………………………… 138
F. Division on Labor in Agriculture
By Crop/Livestock, Activity and Sex …………………………….. 142
G. Bar Graph Comparing Legal and
Illegal Importation of Assorted Vegetables, 2002 ………………. 144
H. Population and Household Distribution per Barangay.................... 145
I. Inventory of Farm Equipment, Tools and Machinery …………… 146
J. Agricultural Chemicals Being Applied ………………………….. 147
K. Crop Production …………………………………………………. 148
L. Wholesale-Buying Price
for the Month of January, 2006……………………………………. 149
M.
Line Graph Showing the Price Trend of
Cabbage Scorpio, 1993-2003 ……………………………………. 150
N.
Average Price Curve of Different
Vegetables for the Year 2002 ……………………………………. 151
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ………………………………………………. 152
INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
Eleven years after the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO),
international trade has never been the same again. The WTO was established
during the Uruguay Round in 1994; it set in a new world economic order,
characterized by a free flow of trade and investments taking place across national
boundaries.
What is new in WTO, compared to General Agreement on Tariff and
Trade (GATT), is that it brought agriculture production and trade under
multilateral trade regulations through WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA).
This brings agriculture production into a new epoch of trade liberalization.
Consequently, member countries including the Philippines agreed to launch a
more free and market-oriented agriculture trading system.
Along with the implementation of WTO-AoA, the World Bank-
International Monetary Fund enforced Structural Adjustment Program’s (SAP’s).
Debt-ridden countries like the Philippines have been making adjustments since
1980’s tailor-fitting it to this so-called, Structural Adjustment Program. Under
SAP’s, according to Madeley (2001), liberalization goes hand in hand with a
decline in government support for farmers. Governments withdraw and leave their
people to the free play of economic forces.
2
Integrated Set Information System (1995) defines the goals of SAP’s as
follows:
Structural adjustment measures are usually aimed at altering the
long-run growth dynamics of an economy… the usual structural
adjustment measures consist of allowing for greater “free-market”
operations, greater privatization, delicensing, introduction of uniform tax
and tariff structures, abolition of price and import controls, abolition of
subsidies and promotion of what has come to known as labor-market
flexibility, while the usual tools for stabilization consist of domestic credit
squeeze, curtailment of budgetary deficits, reduction in money supply, and
devaluation…
In short, both SAP’s and AoA will direct developing countries like the
Philippines to come up with major changes in their food and agriculture policy.
They are compelled to open up their economies to cheap food imports and to
reduce and severely limit support for their farmers (Madeley, 2001).
The translation of this AoA is seen in the vegetable industry in Benguet.
At the start of 2004 alone, Bureau of Agricultural Statistics (BAS) in CAR
reported figures that showed decline in the Cordillera’s production of major
vegetable crops that had to compete with large volume imports. It was reported
also by BAS that the production of cabbage fell by 51.5 percent, potato by 48.4
percent, carrots by 47.7percent and tomato by 34.5 percent beans fell nearly 47
percent and mongo by more than 64 percent (Skyland News, 2004).
APWLD Task force on Rural and Indigenous Women (2002) revealed that
in August 2002, hundreds of vegetables traders and farmers in Benguet lost
3
millions of pesos in earnings due to the importation of huge volumes of carrots,
cucumber, and cabbage and potatoes from China and Taiwan. The imported
vegetables flooded the Metro Manila market obstructing local products from
Benguet in reaching the market. Due to this situation, prices of the local
vegetables reached their lowest. This eventually resulted to losses and
displacement of Benguet farmers. For a period of over three weeks alone
(between July and August 2002) 107 traders and vegetable dealers at the trading
post reported a total loss of 3.5 million while some 380 workers at the trading post
were laid off. It was estimated that local farmers and traders lost at least P21
million in earnings within a week as a result of the importation of vegetables.
Atok, a municipality of Benguet, is one of the prime producers of
vegetables (Appendix B). Thus, like any other municipalities of Benguet, it is
likely to happen that the repercussion of vegetable importation is also felt in Atok.
Paoay, one of the eight barangays of Atok, has the largest area devoted to
agriculture (Appendix C). According to Paoay BNRMP, as of March 2001, 724
individuals are engaged in this activity. Moreover, the main products of the
barangay are commercial vegetable crops (Appendix D) and its major crops are
grown primarily for the market. With the full implementation of AoA, the main
livelihood of the people of Paoay is being threatened.
On the other hand, vegetable production is one of the Filipinos major
sources of income and food. Traditionally, agricultural production was very much
4
in the hands of women farmers who spent most of their time working in the field
to produce for their family’s consumption and other needs (Cariño, 2005). In
Cordillera alone, 60 percent of the tasks involved in subsistence agriculture are
performed by women (Tauli-Rovillos, 1999).
Women’s participation in agriculture cannot be undermined from past to
present, in fact, it is increasing. Food and Agriculture Organization (1998)
described this phenomenon as the feminization of agriculture, which can be
attributed to several factors like men migrating to cities to work. Women’s
contribution and participation vary depending on their country, the crop produce
and task they perform. According to FAO (1998) more than half of the world food
is produced by women. They play a very significant role in the production of
staple and secondary crop. Aside from performing multiple tasks in agricultural
production, women play various roles in life as well. But when impoverishment
and economic crises occur, women’s multiple burden becomes heavier, as they
have to provide not only for themselves but for those under their care (Wee and
Heyzer, 1995).
Though researches are insufficient, case studies show that globalization
may further push women farmers into poverty and further complicates their
existing problem as they assume their various roles in life. It is against this
background that this study was formulated to investigate the implications of
vegetable importation for the status and roles of women farmers in Sayangan and
5
Englandad, Paoay, municipality of Atok. This is timely as more than five years of
AoA implementation as shown in the vegetable importation would already surface
realities besetting indigenous women. The real situation on indigenous women in
relation to trade liberalization was looked with the aim to help in the policy
making that will uplift the condition of women farmers.
Statement of the Problem
This research aimed to find out the implications of vegetable importation
for the roles and status of women farmers in two sitios of Paoay, Atok: Englandad
and Sayangan. Specifically, the research sought to answer the following
questions:
1. What is the socio-economic profile of women farmers in Englandad and
Sayangan, Atok?
2. What is the present status and roles of women respondents given the
changing trends in the vegetable industry?
3. What are the problems encountered by the women farmers in the
production level?
4. What are the solutions women farmers undertake to cope with the
problems encountered in the production level?
Objectives of the Study
6
Primarily, the study aimed to determine the implications of vegetable
importation for the roles and status of women farmers. Specifically, the research
aimed:
1. To determine the socio-economic profile of women respondents in
terms of the following: age, number of household members, educational
attainment, number of years in farming, annual income, other sources of income,
land tenure, crops being planted, adopted labor system, and source of capital.
2. To describe the present status and role of women respondents given the
changing situation in the vegetable industry.
3. To identify the problems encountered by the respondents in the
production level.
4. To find out the solutions undertaken by women farmers in coping with
the problems encountered in the production level in relation to vegetable
importation.
Importance of the Study
Benguet is known for its vegetable industry. It is the Philippines chief
producer of temperate fruits and vegetable in Luzon for it is gifted with a
temperate climate suited for semi-temperate crops. Benguet province remains a
major source of semi-temperate vegetable. The supply of semi-temperate
vegetables supply comes mainly from Benguet. In fact it is also known as the
7
“Salad Bowl of the Philippines.” But with the problems besetting the industry
brought about by natural, internal and external forces at the production and
marketing level, the collapse of the vegetable industry is likely to happen and the
status of Benguet as the main producer of semi-temperate vegetables in the
country will be a thing of the past.
With the Philippines joining globalization like the rest of the world,
Benguet farmers specially women farmers are facing great challenges. In this
regard, it is essential to understand and be acquainted with the effect of vegetable
importation particularly on women involved in the vegetable industry in Paoay,
Atok.
The research can provide information on the socio-economic profile of
indigenous women in the study sites, which is normally absent in mainstream
statistics on the country’s profile. For the reader, an understanding of the
situation of women respondents in the context of vegetable importation will prove
helpful. In the same manner, this research also serves as an additional literature
along impacts of globalization to women. While there had been widespread
skepticism about vegetable importation there has still been limited scientific
researches done. Since it aims to reveal the impact of vegetable importation, the
findings shall help policy makers both local and national level, in deciding and
making laws and ordinances that will seek to address the situation of the
vegetable industry, farmers particularly the women respondents. The awareness
8
brought will aid other researchers and people to determine and understand their
plight.
Findings of this research will also serve as a steppingstone for other
future researches along gender or women in agriculture.
Lastly, for the researcher, this research will help her understand the effects
of trade liberalization on the aspect of agriculture and on women in agriculture.
Since the researcher is a teacher by profession, the practical knowledge gained
from this research will in many ways be of great use in the classroom setting.
Scope and Delimitation of the Study
The study primarily focused on the effects of vegetable importation with
women farmers as respondents. Respondents were delimited only to women
farmers who plant semi-temperate vegetables for sustenance and commercial
purposes.
The study was delimited to the socio-economic profile of the respondents,
their status and roles of women farmers in the production level, the problems they
encountered in production and the solutions they employed.
To acquire the needed data and information needed in this study, the
researcher used purposive sampling to identify the respondents. The following
were the criteria used: residence at Englandad and Sayangan; availability during
the time of interview; involvement in the vegetable industry for a minimum of at
9
least five years and representative of any of the following categories: farmer-
trader; farmer-supplier; owner-farmer and oblantes/por dia worker.
METHODOLOGY
Locale of the Study
This study covers barangay Paoay, one of the eight barangays of Atok. It
is comprised of six sitios. It is bounded on the south by Abiang, on the west by
Barangay Pasdong, on north by Barangay Cattubo and on the east by the
municipality of Kabayan (Figure 2). It was created out of the division of the
municipality of Atok into six barangays in 1956 under the leadership of Mayor
Asingco Moltio, and in accordance with Republic Act 3950, otherwise known as
the Revised Barrio Charter. Paoay was formerly a part of Barrio Abiang, one of
the original settlements in Atok (Paoay, BNRMP). It is located 50 kilometers
from Baguio City, 44 kilometers from the Benguet Provincial Capitol, and 35
kilometers from Barangay Poblacion. It is accessible via the Halsema Highway.
In the local dialect, “Paoay” refers to a barren flatland. This term was used
by the original settlers to describe their community. In the past, the community’s
land resources were largely left idle because of the virtual lack of irrigation.
Among the eight barangays of Atok, barangay Paoay is the second largest
in area devoted to agriculture next to Cattubo (Appendix C). But lands are not
maximally utilized according to Paoay Barangay Natural Resource Management
Plan (BNRMP). Even though a great area of Paoay is devoted to agriculture, most
of the farms are not irrigated, hence are planted only once a year. The
pasturelands are not also fully utilized. Forestlands have also been denuded
52
causing many water sources to dry up during the dry season. During the wet
season, occasional landslides occur.
Around 70.1 percent of the total land area of Paoay is being utilized for
agriculture, 15.1 percent is forest, and 11.2 percent is grassland. Only 3.6 percent
goes to residential lands, commercial, institutional, infra-utilities and idle land.
But at present Paoay is manifesting limited agricultural land.
People. Parangay Paoay has the biggest population in the municipality of
Atok (see Appendix H). Aside from this, it has also the biggest number of
household and number of farmers compared to other barangays.
As of year 2000, barangay Paoay has a total population of 4,320.
Barangay Paoay is consisting of six sitios. Distributed in the six sitios are 666
households. Among the sis sitios, sitio Sayangan has the highest number of
households (Paoay BNRMP). This can be attributed to its location since Sayangan
is along the national high way and accessibility to transportation has been the
pull-factor for settlers.
The people are mixture of Kankana-ey, Ilocano and Ibaloi. But the
majority of the households in Paoay speak in Kankana-ey as their mother tongue
(Paoay BNRMP).
It is apparent that there are lowlanders who have migrated into Paoay.
Cruz (1994) census reveals that most of those who migrated into Paoay came
from nearby barangays of Atok and municipalities of Benguet. The rest are
53
lowlanders mostly from Pangasinan and Ilocos. This explains why there are a lot
of Ilocanos in Paoay.
The least spoken language is English. It is the medium of communication
in one Filipino-German household.
Socio-economic situation. On the average, farmers plant from two to three
cropping of these crops per year, depending on water and labor availability. The
major crops being planted in Paoay are carrots, cabbages, potatoes and radish (see
Appendix D). Compared to the census done by Cruz in 1992, sweet peas was one
of the major crops of Paoay compared today, it is one of the minor crops being
planted now.
Besides vegetables crops, the farmers also produce ornamentals or
cutflowers such as calla lily, siesta daisy and chrysanthemum.
As of March 2001, there are 13 tractors, 12 water pumps and 43 power
sprayers present in Paoay. Tractors are used for land preparation in the vegetable
areas while carabaos are used to plow irrigated fields. These are privately owned
and are usually for hire. Jeepneys and truck are used in hauling vegetables from
the farm to the market.
Gardening tools is commonly used by the farmers in the barangay
(Appendix I). One negative effect of this is that work is slowly done and this is a
proof that farmers are still engage in subsistence farming even with the onset of
54
globalization. It is also evident that the farming practices in Paoay are done
manually though some are already mechanized. Manual activities include
planting, transplanting, crop care which includes fertilizer and weed management,
harvesting, hauling and storage of products. Water pumps and sprinkles are used
in water management while power sprayers are used in the control of pests and
diseases. Some also use small tractors in land preparation.
Organic and inorganic fertilizers are used in vegetable production.
Chicken manure is the most common organic fertilizer for basal application for all
kinds of vegetables and ornamental crops.
The farmers are very dependent on commercial farm inputs such as
inorganic fertilizers and pesticides. This data was confirmed in the census done by
Cruz (1994) and on the data presented by Paoay BNRMP. However, many of the
farmers could not afford to buy the necessary inputs because of their prohibitive
cost. Furthermore, because almost all of the farm activities are done manually, the
farmers also spend much time on farm labor.
Appendix J shows the agricultural chemicals being used by the farmers.
Since farmers rely heavily on chemicals, it is evident that both men and women
farmers are exposed to these harmful chemicals that is detrimental to their health.
Agricultural support. Table 3 shows the type of agricultural support
services present in the barangay.
55
Table 3. Type of agricultural support services
TYPE
LOCATION SERVICE # OF HH CONDITION
AREA
Irrigation
*Open canal Salat
250 has
500 Functional
* Hose sprinkler Ampilet-
3
5
Functional
*CIS/CIP Tuyongan
15 20 Functional
Tramlines
Functional
Post Harvest
Facilities
*MP Drying
Bonglo
10
35 Functional
Pavement
Englandad
15
35
*Loading
Lower 15 20
Platforms
Englandad
*Seed Potato Bonglo 30 20
Storage
Central 10 15
Namegpegan
82 47
Bosleng
10
15
Sayangan 15 17
Bonglo Liang
Nursery Kayang-
Bosleng
35
47
Source: Barangay Paoay BNRMP
The farmers use three types of irrigation facilities suchas hoses, sprinklers
and open canal. Hose and sprinklers are privately owned while the open canal
which is located at Bekes is communally owned. The open canal services an area
of 250 hectares with 500 household beneficiaries.
There are four tramlines in the area, all are owned by private individuals.
The only post-harvest facilities are the two multi-purpose drying pavements
56
(MPDP) located at Bonglo and Englandad. These two MPDP’s have a service
area of 25 hectares and used by 70 households to dry potato tubers before storage.
The only loading platform in the barangay is located at Lower Englandad.
This facility services approximately 15 hectares with 20 household beneficiaries.
Five seed potato storage (SPS) facilities are distributed in the five sitios
especially Bonglo, Central Bonglo, Namegpegan, Bosleng and Sayangan. The
only nursery is located at Kayang-Bosleng.
Social sector and infrastructure. The barangay has one district hospital and
three barangay health centers providing health services to the community.
Sayangan (Figure 3) is the center of commerce in Atok where majority of
the business establishments are located. Financial institutions that provide credit
to farmers for the purchase of farm inputs are located in their community.
Infrastructure facilities in the barangay include 21 barangay roads, one
municipal road, one national road, water systems and numerous foot trails and
footbridges. The three water systems used are gravity, water pump and deep well.
Aside from these, educational and health facilities also exist in the barangay.
However, the existing barangay access roads and most of the buildings need to be
repaired (Paoay BNRMP). The bad condition of the roads affects the flow of
transportation of goods, e.g. farm inputs and vegetable products, to and from the
barangay. In addition, most of the existing foot trails in the barangay, need to be
57
improved as they are potential hazards, especially during the rainy season when
they become slippery.
Most of the households, especially those in elevated areas do not have
potable water supply. On the other hand, out of the 666 total households, only 210
are energized. These are usually the houses situated very far from the BENECO
mainline.
Ecological sector. Of the barangay’s total land area, 1,578.39 hectares are
forestlands which constitute 65.45% of the total land area. This is followed by
agricultural and A&D lands which cover an area of 803.45 Only 26.119 has are
institutional lands.
Free patent is the only land tenure instrument issued to lot owners within
the alienable and disposable areas. With the implementation of Republic act 6657
(CARP) Law that prohibits further classification of land, most or 805 of the
residents who occupy the said area have availed of tax declarations. This is the
only proof of ownership they have for the lands they occupy at present.
58
Figure 2 Map showing the site of the study
59
Figure 3 Site of the study
60
Respondents of the Study
The respondents of this research were selected women farmers who are
involved in the vegetable industry in Englandad and Sayangan, Paoay, Atok.
Respondents who could provide the information needed were purposively
selected. The criteria for the selection of the respondents are the following:
1. residents of Englandad and Sayangan, Atok
2. availability during the time of interview, and
3. involvement in the vegetable industry for a minimum of at least 5 years as
either farmer-trader, farmer-supplier, farmer-operator, or an oblantes/por dia
worker.
Instrumentation
This is a descriptive research to determine effect of vegetable importation
to women involved in the vegetable industry as farmers in Englandad and
Sayangan.
To answer the specific problems of the study, data were gathered by face-
to-face interviews with the women farmers using a semi-structured interview
schedule as guide. The interview schedule was constructed based on the
objectives of the study. It composed of structured and unstructured questions. The
interviewer asks the questions and records the answer by taking notes and using a
61
tape recorder. To get the needed data, the interviewer asked follow-up questions
to clarify answers given by the respondents.
Document also forms part of the data gathering tool.
Data gathering procedure
Data needed and significant information was gathered by interviewing the
respondents. The interview schedule provided the questions used in facilitating
the interview. The researcher used dialects like Ilocano and Tagalog as media of
communication to facilitate the gathering of data.
In the interview, interviewer asks the questions as they are written in the
interview schedule and then records the respondent’s answer by writing them
down and by recording them with the use of a tape recorder.
In gathering other needed information, the Municipal Agriculture Office
was conferred.
Statistical treatment of data
Data collected based from interviews was tallied, tabulated and analyzed.
Percentages, frequencies and means were also used.
Percentage was used to determine the quantitative relation of the number
to the whole. Frequency was used to ascertain the rate of prevailing option which
most respondents selected as their answer. Qualitative data was content analyze.
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Globalization is not a new idea or occurrence. It aims to remove
protectionist policies to pave the way for a more market-free system in trade and
investments. At present, international financing institutes and multilateral trading
bodies like International Monetary Fund-World Bank, World Trade Organization
(WTO), and others are the main instruments used to carry its goals (Tauli-Corpuz,
1998). Member countries to these organizations ought to synchronize their
national laws and adhere to WTO standard and IMF-WB instructions.
Between the developed and developing countries, the impact of
globalization is more evident on the latter. Due to globalization, tariffs as well as
non-tariff barriers are slowly being removed. According to Panlasique (1992), as
quoted by Quitos (2000), with tariff as well as non-tariff barriers coming down,
the whole world becomes a potential market. Competition is expected to intensify
in the global market as a result of a much greater flow of export goods and
services produced in various production centers; in fact, anywhere in the globe.
The WTO, successor of General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT),
provides the skeleton in the conduct of international trade. Compared to the latter,
the former is wider in scope because it brought intellectual property rights,
investments, services and agriculture into the global arena as matters of
international trade (Shiva, 1995) which are not originally featured in GATT.
11
WTO – AoA
The Philippines is basically an agricultural country. Agriculture is one of
the major sources of livelihood of the Filipino people. It greatly contributes to the
development of the country. It is also considered as the prime mover in the
country’s economy. But like other sector, it is beset with several challenges that
may affect its role in the country’s development. Gunnar Myrdal, a Nobel
Laureate in economics stated:
It is in the agricultural sector that the battle for long-term economic
development will be won or lost.
Historically, agriculture had been mainly exempted from the discipline of
GATT. In 1980, the Philippines joined GATT, and the implementation of WTO –
Agreement on Agriculture (WTO-AoA) for developing countries like the
Philippines started in September 2000. With WTO agricultural policies, member
countries are becoming market-oriented. But prior to this, the government had
been implementing structural reforms in line with trade liberalization as mandated
by IMF. The country had also been imposing programs and policies that carry the
goals of trade liberalization due to its existing agreement with other countries
under trade regionalization.
The WTO-AoA pushes countries to produce agricultural exports rather
than food for subsistence. The creation of Medium-Term Agricultural
Development Programme in the Philippines (MTDAP) ensures that the
commitments of the government to the WTO are met. Under MTDAP, the lands
12
used for the production of crops for domestic food needs have been reduced
(Tauli-Corpuz, 1998).
As cited by Batani et al (2002), the AoA contains three main categories of
commitments as follows: conversion of all quantitative restrictions on agricultural
products into tariff, reduction of tariffs on agricultural products, reduction of
domestic subsidies, and reduction of export subsidy and the harmonization of
sanitary/phytosanitary measure.
AoA has many imbalances. Khor (2002) explained the effect of
agricultural subsidies in developed countries. Their farm production levels are
kept artificially high and their producers dispose of their surplus in other
countries. The surplus is often dumped on world markets at less than the
production cost of the exporting countries. Farmers in developing countries can
make losses in three ways: they lose export opportunities and revenues from
having their market access blocked in the developed countries using the subsidies;
they lose export opportunities in Third World countries, because the subsidizing
country is exporting to these countries at artificially low prices; and they lose their
market share in their own domestic market, or even lose their livelihoods, due to
the inflow of artificially cheap subsidized products.
Globalization can give opportunity for the farmers for a wider market, but
it also threatens their means of livelihood due to the flooding and unrestricted
entry of cheap and quality products to fluctuate and compete with the domestic
13
product of the country. Due to this, domestic food production is at risk as the
agricultural sector is placed in jeopardy, affecting Philippine development as a
whole. Soriano (2000) describes the country as a developing country that is
basically backward in agrarian economy with few economic enclaves.
Furthermore, in the countryside, farmers toil in the most backward conditions to
produce food and raw materials. With this situation at hand, it is unclear whether
family farms in their present form can survive with the full implementation of
trade liberalization.
Due to uncontrolled importation of vegetables, the country is now
considered a dumping ground of imported vegetables from other countries. This
condition has resulted in huge losses for the local vegetable farmers, dealers and
workers in the vegetable industry, particularly in Benguet (APWLD, 2002). Chair
Rafael Mariano of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas mentioned that in 1999
alone the country exported agricultural product amounting to U.S $ 1.76 billions
and importing amounting to not less than $2.87 billion. This situation signifies
that in the Philippines there is unfavorable balance of trade wherein the country is
not gaining, but is instead experiencing deficit in trade. He also mentioned that
under GATT-WTO-AoA, the government is putting the people in jeopardy by
making the Philippines highly dependent on imports of its staple food. However,
he said that the Philippines alone can sustain the domestic need of its people.
14
One cannot underestimate the significance and role of agriculture in the
country’s growth and development and the benefit it gives to the people as well.
According to Vivar et al (1998) the agricultural sector is a critical sector in the
economy which deserves a more serious attention from the government since it
provides the necessary human and natural resources that give potentials to
development.
Women and Trade Liberalization
Women are first hit in economic changes or changes brought by trade
because women are also directly and indirectly engaged in international trade and
their lives are affected by this activity in many different ways (Joekes and
Weston, 1994). Pineda-Ofreneo (1999), as cited by Batani et al. (2002), pointed
out that with globalization, risk and uncertainties especially to women is
unavoidable whereas Tauli-Corpuz (1998) stated that indigenous women, by
being indigenous and women are twice struck by globalization.
Due to globalization, indigenous women who are primarily involved in
agriculture are unable to produce the food needed by their families and hence fall
into the trap of commercialized agricultural production for export (Cariño, 2005).
With the challenges brought by globalization, women farmers perceive
WTO-Uruguay round as a threat more than as an opportunity (IWDS-WHO, 1994
as cited in Batani et al. 2002).
15
Trade liberalization does not only widen the gap between the rich and
poor. It also affects women in an agricultural country. Case studies suggest that
trade liberalization in agricultural economies can disadvantage women or benefit
them less than they do men, even when traditional export crop production
increases (Galdwin, 1991; and Fontana et al., 1998 as cited by Çağatay, 2001).
Taguiwalo (1998) cited also that majority of Filipino women are at a disadvantage
position under the regime of liberalization, deregulation and privatization. An
example of this is that when Filipino women are being eased out in the rural areas,
agricultural lands are converted into industrial enclaves or into tourist areas.
According to Çağatay (2001), the system of rules and agreements that
currently governs international trade is based on the widely accepted view that
expanding global trade is beneficial to all countries and their citizens. But case
studies show that trade liberalization in predominantly agricultural economies
may disadvantage women, compared to men, even when traditional export crop
product increase. The studies on Kenya, Ghana, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Mexico, and
the Philippines all show how trade liberalization is impacting heavily on women
and accentuating gender inequality. For instance, Too-Yego, as cited by Madeley,
(2001) found that in Kenya, as a result of the liberalization of agricultural trade,
many women cannot afford adequate chemicals and fertilizers, and that farm
output has declined.
16
Any appraisal on the impact of trade liberalization on women must not
only look on women’s paid employment opportunities, including wages and
working conditions but also on the unpaid care economy where women are
involved. Mendoza (1998), as cited by Paunlagui (2002), noted that a close tie
between farms and housework means that any disturbance in one area would have
profound effects on the other. Being the key player in the house and in the farms,
women feel the greater burden of any economic alteration.
Among indigenous peoples, Tauli-Corpuz (1998) summarized the impact
of globalization on indigenous women into the following words: the rights of
indigenous women to their ancestral lands further undermined; inability to
compete with imported crops; the erosion of control over genetic resources and
indigenous knowledge; threatened food security; destruction of indigenous
economic and increased outmigration; increasing economic insecurity among
indigenous women; erosion of small-scale home-based handicraft industries run
by indigenous women; worsening poverty; increasing incidents of sexual abuse
and violence against women; heavier unpaid women’s reproduction work; and
increasing social problems and family problems.
Çağatay (2001) stated that there are reasons to expect that trade
liberalization in predominantly agricultural economies may jeopardize women’s
livelihood and well-being owing to the gender division of labor and gender-based
differences. The impact of trade liberalization on gender inequalities specifically
17
women are as follows: first, the well-being of women and children may not
improve even in case where household income increases with increased
production for export. Second, import competition caused by trade liberalization
also leads to loss of employment for some women, depending on the sectoral
reallocation of work. Third, it also affects women’s unpaid labor time through its
impact on the environment. Women rely on the common property resources for
their livelihoods and are also responsible for the collection of water and fuel wood
from such sources. If trade liberalization results in environment degradation and a
reduction of biodiversity, women will have to devote more time to this task.
Lastly, trade liberalization is typically accompanied by reductions in government
spending and increased privatization of services, including health care, obliging
women to take care of these responsibilities and/or forego services.
Furthermore, Çağatay stated that feminist economists and social scientists
have long observed that an increase in women’s labor-force participation is not
accompanied by a commensurate reduction in their unpaid domestic labor, as men
have been reluctant to pick up the slack, resulting in the so-called “double day”
for women. Two consequences can be seen with the increase in women’s paid
employment: either the provision of care is squeezed and/or women’s leisure time
is reduced.
In the study of Bangladesh, for example, Fontana and Wood (2000), as
cited by Çağatay, found that the expansion of women’s paid employment has
18
been accompanied by a reduction in their leisure time while the 1999 Human
Development Report ties intensification of global trade competition to a squeeze
in the provision of care.
Paunlagui (2002) on the other hand mentioned that the rural poor and
women are bearing a large part of the brunt of the economic crisis. With the
drying up of remittances from city-based family members, women cut their
expenses and often have to produce the goods and services in the market. In
addition, Illo (2002) cited that by feeding the unemployed from their produce and
earnings, women provide the safety net for the unemployed family members.
Some of the effects of the economic crisis on women in the agricultural
sector and in rural areas are as follows (Paunlagui, 2002): lower profitability of
agricultural production; strong pressure on women to earn cash income; further
inequality in wages; and deteriorating health and physical condition of women
and children.
With the decline in real income and the increasing cost of living, there is a
strong pressure on women to supplement the income of the family. Low profits
compelled women with small farms to seek other augmenting activities to cope
with life and supply the basic needs of the family.
Working women have long carried multiple burdens. Before going to
work and upon coming home, they cook and wash and iron clothes, clean the
house, and take care of the children. The bulk of responsibility lies with the
19
women though husband and children of working mothers share in these activities.
Coupled with the deteriorating food, the health and physiological condition of
mothers are at greater risk. Limited income has led to the adoption of various
ways of meeting the family needs.
Import Liberalization and
the Agricultural Sector of Benguet
The full implementation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) under the World Trade Organization really threatened the vegetable
industry of Cordillera. Due to Philippines membership in the WTO-Aoa, the
country’s food security was sacrificed for export-promising crops. It is also feared
that because of the entry of imported vegetable, the once-lucrative Cordillera
vegetable farming will be a thing of the past.
The country’s membership with the WTO has caused more than 50,000
garlic and onion farmers in the Ilocos and Central Luzon regions to be jobless.
Almost an equal number of corn growers in Mindanao are clueless as to where to
sell their crops and thousands of hectares of prime agricultural lands in the
southern Tagalog region are being transformed into industrial states (Skyland
News, 2004).
In the Cordillera the entry of imported vegetables has been a source of
economic insecurity. Appendix E shows the total production of commodity in the
province of Benguet from 1991 to 2001. It can be observed that there is a
20
tremendous decrease of the volume of production in vegetables from 2000 to
2001.
High value crops such as carrot, potato, asparagus, broccoli, cabbage,
green onion, garden pea, lettuce, radish and cauliflower have always occupied the
top priority list in the country’s agriculture department. Yet with the liberalization
policy, even the Department of Agriculture admitted that the same high value
crops (potato, garlic, onion, and cabbage) are considered as threatened crops
under this policy (Tauli-Corpuz, Maza and Batani, 2005).
According to the Department of Agriculture (DA) Secretary Leonardo
Montemayor of the Bureau of Plant Industry (BPI) has permitted the importation
of vegetables on a limited scale. For the first six months of the year 2002, the BPI
permitted the importation of 302,000 kilos of dried carrots, 3,346 kilos of which
came from Australia. For the months of July and August, 5,758 kilos of assorted
vegetables from Taiwan, Australia and China were allowed into the country. The
DA has also allowed the importation of diced vegetables from Australia, Holland
and the United States for use in top hotel establishments. In addition, according to
Tauli-Corpuz et al, (2005) the Philippines is importing around 40 kinds of
fresh/chilled/diced vegetables and about 16 of these are vegetables produced in
the Cordillera region particularly Benguet Province. Table 1 presents the list of
imported vegetables
21
Based on Table 1, it is apparent that the volume of importations is
enormous and far exceeds the total production of local producers. This condition
means that there will be a stiff competition between the local vegetables and the
imported ones because of globalization and market liberalization due to GATT.
Table 1. Philippine Fresh Vegetable Imports, 2001-2002 (volume in kilograms;
value in CIF$)
COMMODITY 2002 2001 % GROWTH RATE
FRESH/CHILLED Volume Value Volume Value Volume Value
Onions, in quota 6,602,175 987,655 16,476,168 2,472,994 (59.9) (60.1)
Other vegetables 1,814,076 454,953 129,579 132,296 1,300.0 243.9
n.e.s.
Cauliflowers & 609,724 213,556 309,590 222,168 96.9 (3.9)
Headed broccoli
Lettuce, other than 215,333 201,034 369,197 453,179 (41.7) (55.6)
Sub-item 0545401
Cabbage lettuce 171,186 108,030 84,917 79,515 101.6 35.9
(head lettuce)
Cabbage,
69,422 18,199 35,742 6,908 94.2 163.4
In quota
Onion, out-quota 50,000 5,861 1,163,750 138,704 (95.7) (95.8)
Asparagus 3,030 1,349 8,093 5,852 (62.6) (76.9)
Radishes 2,998 2,241 3,831 4,486 (21.7) (50.0)
Spinach, New Zealand 2,647 1,463 1,074 7,948 146.5 (81.6)
Spinach and orache
(garden spinach)
Beans (vigna spp., 1,579 2,214 1,617 22,772 (2.4) (90.3)
Phaseolus spp.)
Source: Based on the study of Tauli-Corpuz et al, 2005
Aside from the legally imported vegetables that threaten the local market,
another rising problem is the intrusion of illegal or smuggled vegetables. Due to
the entry of smuggled vegetables, prices of carrots dropped to P6 as of July 3,
2002 at the La Trinidad Trading Post, from a previous price of P28 per kilo. The
22
average daily volume of vegetables assigned through the Trading Post is
estimated at 80 tons per day with a value of 1.2 million. From the Trading Post,
the vegetables are trucked to Metro Manila and to other markets. A dealer from
Natubleng, Benguet attested that because of the importation of carrots, dealers’
sale fell to 3 tons per day from a previous 10 tons per day, 50-70 ton drop in
weekly sales. She revealed that her former customers from Bicol and Iloilo
stopped buying her carrots. Though the DA had taken necessary action, still
illegally imported vegetables continue to flow in from other ports of entry outside
Manila.
In La Trinidad, the capital town of Benguet that also grows semi-tropical
vegetables, the town mayor, Nestor Fongwan, issued an EO-02-2004 last July 12,
2004. This executive order prohibits the wholesale, retail and packaging of
smuggled and/or illegally imported fresh vegetables at the La Trinidad Trading
Post and in the public market.
The fight against legal or illegal entry of imported vegetables had not yet
come to an end when the issue of the Bilateral Quarantine Agreement between
China and Philippines triggered the situation. This agreement opens the doors for
liberalized trade which includes the trade of fresh fruits and vegetables including
carrots. The agreement also formalized the existing trade of fresh fruits and
vegetables between the two countries such as banana, mango, papaya and fresh
young coconut to Chinese markets and apples, oranges, lychees, longans, pears,
23
onions, garlic and chestnuts to Philippine markets. Included in the agreement as
appendices are the formal protocols for the opening of Chinese market to
Philippines fresh pineapple and Chinese carrots to the Philippine market. It is
said that the agreement is an outrage to the threatened vegetable industry of the
country, most especially to the carrot producers of Benguet because the signing
would eventually kill the said industry.
It is apparent that prior to this agreement, the carrot producers of Benguet
and other vegetable farmers have already suffered untold losses due to the influx
into the country of carrots and other vegetables mostly through smuggling. The
intrusion of smuggled vegetables would eventually kill the vegetable industry of
Benguet.
Socio-economic Profile
Agriculture continues to provide substantial employment to women even
though there are employment opportunities in the industrial and service sector of
the Philippine economy. Size of the family, civil status, education and family
income are several factors that were found significantly affect the women’s
participation in economic activity as reported by some researches while others
claimed otherwise.
24
In most societies women are likely to work longer hours than men, have
lower earnings, education, wealth and less access to credit, information and
knowledge (Çağatay, 2001).
Income
People work to gain income to support the needs of their family. Income,
on the other hand, affects the status of women. Women receive, on the average,
lower wages compared to men (Paunlagui, 2002).
In rural households, the husband is the principal provider of income for
45.3 percent of the cases. The wife is a contributing source of income for 43.8
percent of the households. The National Demographic Survey (1973) reported
that 92 percent of rural housewives earned less than P1, 000 as cash income in
1972. Among those who received non-cash income, 51 percent received less than
P500 and 12.4 percent received an equivalent of P500 – P3, 999. The contribution
of rural women to household income may therefore be considered significant.
Mandac (1984 cited in Wongsuwan, 2004) explained that low income
levels associated with low farm productivity limit the capability of farm
households to invest in modern farm inputs such as fertilizers, insecticides and
herbicides. Wongsuwan (2004) found that socio-economic characteristics such as
educational attainment, experience in seed growing and farm size do not
significantly relate to the productivity of seed growers. However, the experience
25
Table 2. Current mean income of families in Benguet and families whose main
income comes from agriculture
1991
1994
1997
2000
Benguet
62,471
85,496
108,277
139,918
Benguetr Agri
59,143
62,301
60,309
67,267
BA/B
94.67
72.87
55.70
48.08
Source: Villanueva & Ylanan, 2003. The Developmet of Vegetable Farming in Benguet (1991-
2001)
in rice farming and annual income significantly relate to the productivity of the
respondents.
A study conducted in 2003, revealed that the mean income of Benguet
families depending for their livelihood on agriculture increased from 1991 to
1994 by 3,158 or 5.4 percent. However, a decrease in mean income by 3.2 present
was recorded in 1997. This event coincides with the Asian financial crisis that did
not spare the Philippines. In 2000, mean income of farming families improved
with an increase of 11.54 percent or equivalent to 6,957. However, despite the
increase in the value of mean income of families depending for their livelihood on
agriculture, its proportion over the mean income of Benguet families as a whole
has been decreasing. This disappointing result may be explained by the growth in
the income of families whose sources of income come from non-agricultural
activities. Apparently in Benguet, the income from other sources, such as industry
and services, is increasing faster than that from agriculture (Villanueva and
Ylanan, 2003).
26
Other Sources of Income
Due to economic problems faced by the Filipino family brought about by
internal and external factors, the income of the husband is not sufficient to meet
the needs of the family; women are engaged in various income-augmenting
activities that are usually outside the formal economic structure.
Licuanan, the chairperson of the National Commission on Women (cited
in Illo, 1991) stated that employment is not necessary for a Filipino woman
because it is considered a man’s domain but because of necessity, as a secondary
breadwinner for additional income, the Filipino women had to work.
Among indigenous communities, the indigenous woman usually augment
her income by other productive activities aside from such as foraging, fishing and
handicrafts like weaving, knitting, basketry and embroidery (Cariño, 2005).
Furthermore Paunlagui (2002) mentioned that women are also engaged in wage
labor and that with the decline of real income and the increasing cost of living,
there is a strong pressure on women to supplement the income of the family by,
for instance, planting cash crops. Low profits from rice production compelled
women with small farm lots to seek work in neighboring farms. Also, many
women in their area have turned to retailing and washing clothes to earn
additional income for their children’s education and other household needs.
Tauli-Corpuz (1998), on the other hand, stated that women are the ones
who get into the full range of economic activities in the informal economy more
27
than men. This range of economic activities include entering as domestic helpers,
accepting laundering of clothes, rearing domestic animals for sale, vending of
vegetables, fruits, fish and others. Furthermore since some women are located in
communities near industrial sector, they are also the ones who accept the
subcontractual jobs like crocheting, embroidery, placing buttons on garments,
making paper maches, ceramics, and other side activities like washing the bottles
for soft drinks corporation.
Batani et al, (2002) disclosed that Cordillera women in the interior area
have also been noted to seek work outside their villages. They are now found in
the vegetable farms of Benguet, where they sell their labor to farmer operators, or
wash carrots or package vegetables at the trading post.
Tenurial Status
Most women do not own the land they till. If they do, their plots are
invariably small, dispersed, remote and less fertile compared to the farm plots
owned by men. Women who do not own the land they till are less inclined to
invest precious time and scarce resources in long-term land improvements such as
irrigation or drainage systems, terracing, tree planting and other activities that
maintain soil fertility. On the other hand, women who do not own the farm land
are usually denied access to agricultural support services such as credit for
purchasing inputs, training in land and water development and water supplies for
28
irrigation (FAO, 1998). Tauli-Corpuz (1998) stated that the majority of
indigenous women in Asia-Pacific are still small owner- tillers engaged in
subsistence agriculture. Unfortunately, subsistence farming no place in the
globalization agenda of agriculture.
Uddin (1988) as cited by Wongsuwan (2004) reported that tenurial status
had a significant but negative relationship with productivity and that tenants
produced more yields than the other groups of farmers because farming was their
only source of income; therefore they tried their best to produce more in their
limited land.
Land tenure in the province of Benguet is characterized by relatively small
land areas and less than a hectare per farming household. There is a very limited
income that can be derived from the cultivation of small parcels of land and that is
not even enough to support the basic requirements of the farmers for subsistence
(Beguet Province Main Report, 2003). In addition, Batani et al, (2002) revealed
the conditions of women potato farmers in Paoay, Atok. Based on the study, most
women farmers are small owner tillers, and the majority of them cultivate less
than a hectare.
29
Production System
Boquiren’s (1989) study revealed that the production system of vegetable
growers in Benguet is characterized by the following:
1. labor in the vegetable farm is supplied by family members and other
relatives hired through existing farm of cooperatives/exchange labor within the
community,
2. small and medium scale farms rely primarily on family labor while
large scale farms use hired labor such as wage workers or oblantes, who
constitute the work place in Benguet commercial agriculture.
Oblantes are classified as contract workers and por dia workers. Contract
workers are those who are hired on the basis of an agreement to accomplish
activities with an agreed period of time for specific fee while por dia workers are
those who are hired on an emergency daily basis usually during harvest and post-
harvest activities.
In addition, large-scale farms use family labor and exchange labor. Under
family labor, family workers do not receive remuneration in cash for daily work
on the farm since activity is construed as household enterprise. The practice of
exchange labor persists in the community to provide labor assistance among
members of the group.
This grouping of Boquiren is also appropriate and was used to illustrate
the production system being adopted by the women farmers in Paoay, Atok.
30
Women’s Role and Status
For most Filipino farmers, their outlook with agriculture is not merely a
source of income or occupation but it is a way of life. Their life and activities is
shaped and being shaped by it. To be able to accurately describe women condition
in the context of trade liberalization played during economic crisis, it is important
that the roles of women on the farm and in household should be considered. These
roles describe the real status of women.
Status is not a homogenous characteristic capable of simple measurement
(Lootfi, 1982 as cited by Chavez, 1998) and defining women’s status roles and
status is tough since according to Karl (1996), gender roles are not static and it
change overtime. Today, and especially over the last century, there have been
considered radical changes in the types of work that have been considered
typically women’s or men’s job.
Stafilios-Rothschild (1985), as stated by Chavez (1998), pointed out that
women’s status can be conceptualized at two levels: micro level and macro level.
The former refers to women’s status in the household while the latter refers to
women’s status in the society. Dixon (1978 as cited in Chavez, 1998) defines
women’s status as:
Women’s status is the degree of women’s access to and control
over material resources (including food, income, land and other form of
wealth) to social resources (including knowledge, power and prestige)
within the family, community and society at large.
31
Dixon posited that women’s control of productive resources and their
involvement in certain economic sectors are important dimensions of status. But
they are conditioned to think of themselves as housewives rather than as farmers
or agricultural workers. This notion can be attributed several reasons: the society
was conditioned and is still conditioned that when one speaks about farmers many
people refer to men and this reference was accepted by women farmers. Second,
it is because men and men’s perspective are still the norm while women and
women’s perspective are often not taken into consideration, as stressed by Karl
(1996). Lastly, women had already accepted this concept.
On the roles women play, literature has shown that in the agricultural
sector women are visible from production to post production activities. This was
ascertained by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) Summary Report,
which underscored the importance and need for the intensification of the
participation and role of women in development. It pointed out that in developing
countries; women play an important role especially in agricultural production and
rural life. There is differentiation of roles in various farm activities among males
and females, but women play important roles in agricultural production as well.
The study of Loza gave a concrete example. Loza (1998 as cited in Dulos, 2003)
found in her study that women were greatly involved in pineapple production and
post-harvest operations. Productive activities include those that do not require
much physical effort like procuring planting materials, clearing, furrowing,
32
planting, fertilizer application and harvesting. Post-harvest operations actively
participated by women were on transporting, sorting, marketing and processing of
produced products. However, women were regarded to have a limited access to
and control of resources.
Toquero (1999) summarized women’s role in most societies into three
categories:
1. Productive – relating to production of goods for consumption or income
through work in out outside the home
2. Reproductive – relating to domestic or household tasks associated with
caring and sustaining children and family
3. Community Organization – relating to tasks and responsibilities carried
out for the benefit of the community.
Based on the foregoing information, women, indeed, have multiple tasks
to assume. Women, therefore, need to balance these tasks so as not to create a
bigger problem. In carrying out their multiple roles from family to community,
women usually do not generally receive an income.
According to Paunlagui (2002), women in the agricultural sector are
heavily involved as unpaid family workers in agriculture and are about three times
higher than that of men. But since much of women’s agricultural activities are
usually interspersed with their reproductive tasks, their work is often not
considered productive by other household members, including the women
33
themselves. In most cases, only activities that are remunerated are considered as
women’s work. Hence, women economic contribution to the welfare of the
household is often understated.
Appendix F presents the labor in agriculture by crop/livestock, activity
and sex. It shows that women are actively involved in the agriculture doing simple
to complex work on the farm.
In the family, each member is given roles to assume. The man is
considered the head, the guardian, the breadwinner, and protector, while the
mother is the keeper of the house, the treasurer, and manager of domestic affairs.
But in a garden production, according to Wiber (1984), the men clear the field,
turn the soil, and apply chemicals. The women, on the other hand, cultivate the
soil, plant the weed and harvest. Wiber concluded that there is a general tendency
for men to manage the commercial production of vegetables. However, as men
leave their rural homes to look for other sources of income, the role of women in
agricultural production becomes increasingly dominant, that is, the management
of commercial farms is no longer the domain of men, but women as well (Batani
et al, 2002).
34
Problems Encountered By Women
at the Production Level
Benguet Province continues to be predominantly an agricultural economy
with vegetable industry taking the lead role. However, with the present situation,
it is being beset with challenges which should be given top priority.
At present, according to the Benguet Province main report (2003), the
vegetable in Benguet is deteriorating because of the existing problems such as
high cost of production, allegedly high chemical residue of vegetables, unstable
prices, poor quality and uncoordinated marketing practices.
Small farmers, both men and women, are confronted with many
constraints on their agricultural production. Women farmers, however, face
additional and/or more severe constraints that pose serious difficulties for the
achievement of food security. Karl (1996) identified seven constraints on women
in agricultural production as follows:
• Assumption about farmers being men. Despite evidence to the contrary,
many development policy and decision makers still assume that men are still the
principal farmers. The needs and perspectives of women farmers are, therefore,
not given sufficient consideration in policies, programs and projects.
• Directing development policies and programs at cash crop export-oriented
production rather than food production for domestic consumption. The
predominant development model emphasizing cash crop production for export is
35
detrimental to food production for household, community and national
consumption and for food security.
• Discriminatory legislation. Women farmers face discriminatory laws on
land rights, agrarian reform and membership cooperatives. Women have benefited
little from agrarian reform programs which frequently restrict land title and
membership in cooperatives to men or male heads of households. Without secure
land tenure or membership in cooperatives, women lack the collateral for loans
and access to agricultural resources.
• Lack of access to agricultural resources. In addition to lack of access to
credit, land and membership in agricultural cooperative and associations, women
have less access than men to other agricultural inputs and to extension and
training which are still mainly directed to men, ignoring the needs of women
farmers. Even where legislation does not limit women’s right to land titles and
membership in cooperatives, tradition often does.
• Agricultural research misorientation. The emphasis on cash crops and on
male farmers has also resulted in agricultural research being directed at the crops
that men grow while the crops that women are responsible for are neglected.
• Environmental degradation. Environmental degradation increases the
work load of women who have to walk farther and farther to collect fuel wood
and water and who have lost, with the loss of forest, the source of many food
items, medicinal products and products used in the household.
36
• Globalization and trade liberalization. . With globalization, the recognition
and value of women’s key roles in food security are further downplayed and
degraded. Trade liberalization is displacing women from production. In addition,
globalization of production, although to a large extent based on women’s labor,
has not brought commensurate benefits; on the contrary, and that in the
developing countries like Philippines, working women have been particularly hit
by the debt crisis and structural adjustment measures.
Even when women function effectively as heads of their household, they
are often denied full legal status. Women therefore have no access to credit and
capital required to increase productions. Farmers need short-term credit to buy
improved seeds, fertilizers, insecticides and herbicides and to hire farm laborers to
work the fields and help with post-harvest operations. They need long–term credit
to invest in more efficient technologies–irrigation, labor-saving tools, implements
and transport–and to set up new enterprises if conditions are favorable. Rural
women’s limited access to financial services therefore thwarts their efforts to
improve or expand their farm activities so as to earn cash (FAO, 1998).
Valmayor (1998) enumerated some constraints in vegetable production as
follows: seasonability that includes the typhoons, heavy rainfalls, high incidence
of pest and diseases; unavailability of high-quality seeds, poor implementation of
insect and disease; high marketing cost; high perishability of vegetables, the
37
absence of grading standards, improper handling and packaging and the lack of
storage and transportation pose great problems in production.
These problems agree with Aquino’s (1991) listing of some major
problems about the farming system of Region 1 and the Cordillera Administrative
Region (CAR) that include lack of technology, lack of capital and finance for
projects and activities, and destruction caused by environmental conditions in
relation to adaptation while Kranz (1976) stated that commercial vegetable
production usually requires large capital and heavy labor inputs, refined skill and
good marketing facilities.
Flamiano (1988) explicated that the problems of high inputs costs and
limited sources of credit are endemic to vegetable production, and that in the
Buguias case, Flamiano identified three major problems of Buguias farmers
namely: fluctuating prices that is often brought on by periodic over production of
specific vegetables and irrigation crop damage and road closure due to typhoons;
inadequate infrastructure which hits the farmers the hardest and financial
conditions. These problems are aggravated by the dominance of traders who do
not only set the prices, but also, become the sole sources of seeds and other
inputs, as well as production loans to farmers.
In Benguet, credit services such as banks are available though they could
not be readily availed of due to some factors such as collaterals, high interest
rates, improper information and attitudes of co-farmers. Farmers are sometimes
38
not informed of any loaning agencies due to lack of communications/information,
inaccessibility/rugged, and most often farmers who are well informed do not
disseminate the information. In some vegetable areas, supplier-financiers offer
credit solely for crop production. Normally, credit is provided in kind, especially
in the form of inputs such as seeds, fertilizers and pesticides. The supplier
controls market transactions particularly prices thus, assuring the farmer of supply
and credit payment.
The problems faced by the farmers had been confirmed in an assessment
study by the Department of Agriculture Cordillera (1992). Interestingly, the study
also revealed the following: land use constraints and climate disturbances; the
committing of large tracts of land as protected areas; and lack of tenure among
occupants of ancestral lands.
Aside from the existing problems brought by internal and natural factors,
one of the major problems Benguet farmers are facing is the intrusion of
vegetable importation due to the free trade system advocated by GATT-WTO.
Trade liberalization means more imports that will eventually leads to the
destruction of the local vegetable industry and the country’s agricultural sector as
a whole. On the other hand, trade liberalization had already affected the life of the
Filipino farmers who are considered as the backbone of the economy since the
majority of the Filipino people are engaged in the agricultural sector. The effect
39
brought by trade liberalization was described by Mankayan mayor, Manalo
Galuten (2004):
Idi awan ti importation, adu ti farmers ditoy ayan me nga agpa-
Manila tapno gumtang ti elf da, santu adu ti agpapintas ken agpaaramid ti
balballay da nga simento. Tatta ket nganngani awan payen ti pagpa-adal
da (Before imported vegetable came, farmers in our town used to go to
Manila to buy elf truck and most of them renovated and built new houses
with cement, but today, some of the farmers can no longer send their
children to a school)
The experience of Mankayan farmers will likely happen to Benguet
farmers if vegetable importation will not be put to halt. Worse, it can lead local
producers to resort to illegal means of livelihood such as the planting of marijuana
just to sustain the economic needs for their families.
Apppendix G shows and compares the volume of legal and illegal
importation from August to December 2002.
Responses at the Local Level
To achieve productivity, women are obliged to surmount a host of
obstacles. The difficulty of gaining access to land, credit and agricultural inputs
hampers their potential as producers who “feed the world”.
At the local level, legislations have been drafted which aims at the
realization of the women’s potential as well as to address issues on technology.
Executive Order No. 2001-42 dated October 2, 2001 was issued by the
Governor creating the Benguet Vegetable Commission to oversee the agricultural
40
concerns of the province in relation to GATT. It is a Commission similar to the
task force composed of national government agencies, non-government
organizations and private sectors. The commission’s main functions are as
follows: to study and recommend measures that will enable the province of
Benguet to cope with the effects of full implementation of agricultural provision
of GATT; to implement the Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act
(AFMA), to develop of farmer’s organizations and similar concerns; and to
perform such other duties and functions as may be appropriate
Due to the problems brought by vegetable importation, the following are
suggested solutions by the local government (Skyland News, 2004):
1. The need to standardize commodities of the agriculture sector. This will
serve as guide to farmers in marketing their products.
2. The Crop Zoning Program. This program proposes that every farmer
will follow a systematic schedule of planting different crops in different seasons
to avoid overproduction of vegetables at certain times of the year
3. Better farming methods that are currently being understudied by the
municipality to be able to cope with the imported vegetables entering the local
market
On the other hand, the Local Government had passed several resolutions
relative to the Benguet vegetable industry presented below:
1. Res. No. 04-178 dated September 13, 2004 - Requesting the director of
41
BPI not to issue importation permits on temperate vegetables similarly being
produced in the Province of Benguet
2. Res. No. 04-210 dated Sept. 27, 2005 – Opposing the signing of the
bilateral quarantine Agreement between the Republic of the Philippines and the
Peoples Republic of China
3. Res. 04-262 dated Nov. 8, 2004 - Supporting PAFC Res. No. 04-20,
entitled resolution requesting Pres. GMA to revive and reconstitute the National
Anti-Smuggling Task Force and include a member representing the local farmers.
4. Res. No.05- 81 dated March 7, 2005 – Respectfully requesting Hon.
Arthur C. Yap, Secretary of agriculture through Dir. Clarito m. Barron, OIC, BPI,
Malate, Manila, to stop issuance of importation permits to local importers of
potatoes who are non-processors.
5. Res. No.05-101 dated April 4, 2005 – Strongly supporting the
opposition of the Benguet Farmers Federation Inc. to the signing of Bilateral trade
Agreement between the Republic of the Philippines and the People’s Republic of
China on the importation of vegetables into the country.
6. Res. No. 05-135 dated April 25, 2005 – Requesting Her Excellency
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, President, Republic of the Philippines, to exclude
carrots and other temperate vegetables similarly produced in the Cordillera to be
imported from the Peoples Republic of China relative to the bilateral trade
42
agreement to be signed into by and between the Peoples Republic of China and
the Republic of the Philippines
7. Res. No. 05-178 dated June 6, 2005 – Respectfully requesting Her
Excellency Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, President, Republic of the Philippines,
through the Hon. Juan B. Santos, Secretary of Trade and Industry, to reconsider
and exclude edible vegetables from the Memorandum of Understanding between
the Philippines and China on the early Harvest program.
8. Res. No. 05-187 dated June 14, 2005 – Requesting the Bureau of Plant
and Industry to stop the importation of Potatoes and other vegetables coming from
Australia, China, Germany, Holland, Switzerland, and the Netherlands without
the conduct of PRA.
On April 21-23, 2004, around 600 vegetable farmers and stakeholders
joined the 2nd National Vegetable Congress held at Benguet State University
enclosed gym. With the theme “Modernizing the Vegetable Industry Towards
Globalization,” the activity aimed to secure specific commitment from the
national and local government units to support the vegetable industry and
strengthen farmer’s organizations to promote better cooperation and team
building. The congress also discussed technical concerns affecting the production,
post-harvest and marketing of vegetables as well as policy issues responsive to the
development of the industry in order to determine strategic action plans in solving
43
industry problems and strengthen government and non-government collaboration
in support of its modernization and development (SkylandNews, 2004).
Another congress was held last January 13 to 14, 2006 at Benguet State
University closed gym. This was the 1st Cordillera Organic Agriculture Congress
with a theme “Save the Environment, Go Organic.” The main objective of the
congress is to prepare, position and institutionalize the region as the country’s
leading producer and supplier of organically produced quality products,
competitive in the global market.
Specifically, the congress aimed to encourage participants to appreciate,
promote and enhance organic farming as a way of life; safeguard human health
and development; protect and rehabilitate the environment especially in the
farming areas; and have an understanding of the international principles and
Philippines basic standards of organic agriculture and processing.
In the municipality of Atok, the Office of the Municipal Agriculture has a
program and a project that will uplift and help the farmers. The Office of the
Municipal Agriculture in Atok has four banner programs, namely, GMA - Grains,
GMA – Livestock, GMA – HVCC and GMA – fisheries.
Moreover, researcher like Beta-a (1981) recommended the following:
creating and opening of more marketing channels to reduce an oversupply of the
same kind of vegetables in one area as well as to maintain better and stable selling
price; putting cold storage in marketing centers; conducting lectures, seminars,
44
workshops and farm demonstrations; and government standardizing the selling
prices of different vegetables in order to prevent abrupt fluctuations of prices.
Conceptual Framework
In this study, the concepts and variables to be considered include the
socio-economic profile, role and status of women in the context of vegetable
importation. The socio-economic profile of women has to be looked into as this
determines their roles and status. Women’s status refers to the extent of their
access and power in the aspect of social services, material resources and
community involvement while role refers to the function of women in the
societies in the aspect of family, community and in economic activity.
One of the pressing problems a Filipino family is facing is economic. As
the government comes up with programs that are supposed to uplift the economic
condition of the country, the Filipino family is in one way affected and shaped by
it. The theory of Myrdal, “Theory of Circular Causation,” is an example how
trade liberalization being adopted by the government may affect the life and
livelihood of women farmers in line with globalization. Myrdal views a country
as a social system with conditions such as output and income, conditions of
production, levels of living, attitudes towards life and work, and institutions and
policies which are all causally interrelated and interdependent. Myrdal points out
that a change in one category tends to cause a change in others in the same
45
direction either upward or downward. For example, a change in government
policy will increase labor productivity or output, thus increasing individual
income. This will in turn improve the conditions of production, savings,
investments, labor efficiency, and production techniques. The cycle goes on and
results to affecting the people. On the other hand, government policies may
decrease labor productivity or output, thus decreasing individual income that
eventually affects the level of living among the people.
The theory of Myrdal is an example how trade liberalization being
adopted by the government may affect the life and livelihood of women farmers
in line with globalization. One cannot deny the fact that trade liberalization has
brought a big change in the situation of women farmers including their socio-
economic conditions. The unfavorable terms brought by trade liberalization make
indigenous women more economically vulnerable. The family suffers if income is
lacking because needs are not being supplied. It is the women who try to augment
the needs of the family by adopting adjustment measures in farming system and
cropping pattern.
But literature speaks of transformation in the status and role of women as
time goes by, their status and roles differs from one place to another. In the
context of trade liberalization, changes can be felt and seen in the changing roles
and status of women particularly the farmers. As government policies are being
implemented, the women farmers are beset with several challenges and problems
46
AoA
(Vegetable Importation)
Socio-Economic Profile
Age
Number of
household
members
Educational
Status
attainment
Time resources
Income
Social Services
Means of
Material
production
Resources
Land tenure
Community
Production system
Involvement
Kind of crop being
Roles
planted
Farm
Finance system
Off- Farm
Household
Problems and solutions
employed by the women
Figure 1 Paradigm of the study
47
related to the different roles they perform. These policies lead to changes in
economic activity, working conditions, means of production and income. Coping
mechanisms have to be employed. Solutions and alternatives may further alter the
situation and further marginalizes the women farmers.
Definition of Terms
The following terms are operationally defined in the study.
Implications – refer to the negative impacts of vegetable importation on the
status and roles of women farmers. Negative impacts include adjustments on the
roles and status of women farmers to cope up with the changing trends in the
vegetable industry. Examples of these adjustments are reduced time or leisure,
community involvement and time for household activities.
Socio-economic Profile –refer to the relative condition, rank and situation of a
society, socially and economically. In this study, it refers to the age, number of
household members, income, means of productions, land tenure, production
system adopted and crops planted by the women farmers
Women Farmer – This refers to a person who cultivates land or crops or raises
animals or fish. In this study, it refers to the women respondents who cultivates
farmlands and engaged in the production of semi-temperate vegetables for
sustenance and commercial purposes.
48
Vegetable importation – It refers to the activity of purchasing vegetable
products from other countries. In this study, it refers to the activity of purchasing
vegetable products from other countries as part of the policy of Agreement on
Agriculture being imposed by World Trade Organization to its member countries
in line with trade liberalization. Vegetable importation also includes the entry of
legally or illegally imported vegetables into local farms and markets
Roles – refer to the expected work of women as perceived by the community
in the farm, off-farm and in household communities. Farm activities refer to the
work of women farmers in the production level. Off farm refers to the
involvement of women in the community and farmers organization while
household activities refer to the responsibility of women as wife, and mother to
her family.
Status – This is the position of an individual in a group. In this study it refers
to the condition of women farmers in the farm specifically in the farm, off-farm
and in the household which includes socio-economic status and household status.
It also refers to women’s access and control over material and social resources
within the family, community and society. These material and non-material
resources includes income, time, community involvement, technologies and
investments.
49
Socio-Economic Status - refer to women condition in terms of their
access and control over resources like time, credit, income, savings,
investments as well as access to services and to community organizations
Household Status –refer to the condition of women farmers as they
assume their household task in relation with rearing and sustaining
children and family
Owner-farmer – refer to women farmer who owns the land along with their
husband who takes charge of the farming activities either directly or indirectly.
She may have or may not have the capital to be used in the production and may
also implement pa-suplay on her own.
Pa-suplay – This refers to the credit system that binds a financier/creditor and
a farmer
Oblante –refer to a farm wage worker, agricultural laborer or a farmer who
earns through por dia.
Por dia/daily wage worker – refer to hired worker who get paid on a daily
basis. In this research, por dia refers to women farmer who do not own the land
the land she tills and who gets paid on a daily basis. It also include women who
are themselves farmers but due to limited resources, find time to work in
neighboring farm.
Farmer-trader – This refers to a farmer who also markets produce, either from
her own farm and/or those of other farmers
50
Farmer–supplier – refer to a farmer who finances the production cost and even
the household needs of a farmer while waiting for the harvest
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This section presents the data from the field as well as an analysis of such.
The data are presented in tables using frequencies and percentages. Part one
presents the profile of the respondents; part two discusses at length the roles of
women which give a description of the status of women farmers given the
changing situation in the vegetable industry. The last part presents the problems
encountered by the respondents as well as the solutions employed in relation to
the problems encountered and the recommendations given by the respondents.
Socio-economic Profile of the Respondents.
The socio-economic profile of the respondents is described along the
following variables: age, number of household members, number of years in
farming, educational attainment, annual income, tenurial status, crops being
planted, labor system and capital system.
Age. Table 4 presents the age profile of the women respondents. Of the 16
respondents, no one falls under the young age category. The great majority are
considered old farmers since they range in from 40 and above, with a mean age of
47.75. Four respondents are in their middle life stage. On the other hand, it is
observed that irregardless of age, five respondents aged 51 and above years are
still engaged in vegetable production.
Table 4. Profile of the women-farmer respondents n=16
Young Women Middle-Age Old Women TOTAL
PROFILE
(15-25) (26-39) (40 & above)
(F)
(%) (F) (%) (F) (%) (%)
Age
0
0
4 25 12
75 100
Number of Household
Members
0-4
0
0
0 0 4
25 25
5-8
0
0
4 25
6
37.5 62.5
9-12
0
0
0 0 2
12.5 12.5
Total
0
0
4 25 12
75 100
Number of Years in
Farming
0-10
0
0 0 0
1
6.25 6.25
11-20
0
0
4 25 5
31.25 56.25
21 & above
0
0
0 0 6
37.5 37.5
Total
0
0
4 25
12
75 100
Mean
0
16.75 28.33
Educational Attainment
Elementary
0
0
1 6.25
3
18.75 25
High School
0
0
2 12.5 4
25 37.5
College
0
0
1 6.25 5
31.25 37.5
Total
0
0
4 25 12
75 100
Table 4 Continued…
.
Young Women
Middle-Aged Old Women
TOTAL
PROFILE
Women
(F) (%) (F) (%) (F) ( %) (%)
Farmer Category
Farmer-trader
0 0
0 0
0 0 0
Farmer-supplier
0 0 0 0 1 6.25 6.25
Farmer –owner
0 0 3 18.75 11 68.75 87.5
Por dia/Oblante
0
0 1 6.25
0 0 6.25
Total 0 0 4 25 12 75 100
Estimated Income (2005)
10,000 & below
0
0 2 12.50 1 6.25 18.75
10,001-15,000
0 0 1 6.25 1 6.25 12.50
15,001-20,000
0 0 0 0 2 12.50 12.50
20,001-25,000
0 0 0 0 1 6.25 6.25
25,001-30,000
0 0 0 0 0 0 0
30,001-35,000
0 0 0 0 1 6.25 6.25
35,001-40,000
0 0 1 6.25 0 0 6.25
40,001-45,000
0 0 0 0 1 6.25 6.25
45,001-50,000
0 0 0 0 0 0 0
50,001 & above
0 0 0 0 0 0 0
No specific figure given 0 0 0 0 5 31.25 31.25
Total
0 0 4 25 12
75 100
Table 5. Estimated Annual Income of the Respondents (2000-2005)
ESTIMATED
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
INCOME F % F % F % F % F % F %
n=16
10,000 & below
4 25 3
18.75 3 18.75
3
18.75 3 18.75
3 18.75
10,001-15,000
0 0 1 6.25 1 6.25
1
6.25 1 6.25 2 12.5
15,001-20,000 1 6.25 1 6.25 2 12.5 3 18.75 2 12.5 2 12.5
20,001-25,000 3 18.75 3 18.75 2 12.5 2 12.5 1 6.25 1 6.25
25,001-30,000
1 6.25 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
30,001-35,000 1 6.25 2 12.5 1 6.25 0 0 1 6.25 1 6.25
35,001-40,000 2 12.5 1 6.25 2 12.5 0 0 1 6.25 1 6.25
40,001-45,000 0 0 1 6.25 0 0 2 12.5 2 12.5 1 6.25
45,001-50,000 0 0 0 0 2 12.5 1 6.25 2 12.5 0 0
50,001 & above 3 18.75 2 12.5 1 6.25 1 6.25 1 6.25 0 0
No figure given 1 6.25 2 12.5 2 12.5 3 18.75 1 6.25 5 31.25
Total 16 100 16 100 16 100 16 100 16 100 16 100
Table 13. Crops Being Planted*
Y E A R
CROPS
2000 % 2001 % 2002 % 2003 % 2004 % 2005 %
Cabbage 15 93.75 14 87.50 15 93.75 13 81.25 13 81.25 13 81.25
Potatoes 16 100 16 100 13 81.25 14 87.50 12 75 13 81.25
Carrots 9 56.25 11 68.75 10 62.5 9 56.25 11 68.75 13 81.25
Chayote
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Beans 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Peas
5 31.25 6 37.5 5 31.25 6 37.5 6 37.5 7 43.75
Cauliflower 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Broccoli 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Others 5 31.25 4 25 4 25 4 25 4 25 9 56.25
*Multiple responses
65
Cruz (2005), in a study on the Economic Viability of the Labor Employed
in Various Marketing Strategies, disclosed that highland farmers fall under 41 to
50 age bracket. This finding agrees with the 1992 census of barangay Paoay
conducted by Cruz (1994) where it reveals that the majority or more than 56
percent of the population range in from age15 to 64 years. Cruz (1994) classified
this age range as working age. In addition, Cruz census also reveals that the
population of working age predominates over the youth and elderly. These past
studies of Cruz (2005) and Cruz (1994) confirm the finding of the present study as
revealed from the data gathered from the respondents except that there is no
young population in this study.
As of March 2001 Paoay has a total population of 4,320 consisting of
2,164 males and 2,156 females and about half of the population belongs to the
working age group, which includes ages that range from 15 to 64. Based on the
data of Cruz (1994) and from the latest barangay profile, there is no significant
changes in the labor force of Paoay despite the increase of population from 2,723
persons belonging to 509 households to 4, 320 with a total of 666 number of
households (Barangay Paoay BNRMP).
Number of household members. Table 4 shows that 10 of the total
respondents have five to eight members of the household, which is relatively big.
This finding is supported by other literature that claims that in farming
community the family is characterized as “big.” Sociologists explain this
66
occurrence as farming part of the Filipino culture that gives value to more
children. This can be attributed to Filipino belief that “the more children they
have, the more blessings the family will obtain, and the more hands to cultivate
the field.”
Based on the figures presented by Cruz (1994) and the Paoay Barangay
Natural Resource Management Plan (BNRMP), there is an increase of household
size from 5.3 in 1992 to 6.5 in 2001. In the study, the average household size of
the respondents is 5.9 which still fall within the observed figures. The present
average household size is lower than the figure given by Paoay BNRMP
Number of years in farming. Table 4 reflects the number of years that the
respondents have been in vegetable production. As shown in the table, 15
respondents have been in vegetable farming for more than ten years. Out of the
15, nine respondents have been farming for 11 to 20 years and six respondents for
more than 20 years.
The long years of farming experience of the respondents signifies that
respondents have been farming even at a young age based on the interviews.
Working on the farm at a young age is a common situation in rural area. It further
signifies that their experience in and knowledge of farming activities are rich.
This finding corroborates the observation of Cruz (1994) that farmers are engage
in farming activities at a young age and household member of school age are
anticipated to help in the farm work. As a result of such practice, farming in
67
Paoay is generally a family enterprise (Cruz, 1994). As found in the study of Cruz
and corroborated in this study, children are expected to help or carry out simple
chores on the farm and their tasks become more complex and difficult as they
grow older.
Respondents’ early association with farming activities can be attributed to
their parents’ involvement in vegetable farming where labor utilized depends
largely on family labor. Children are expected to help on the farm especially
during weekends.
Women respondents recollected that at a young age they got involved in
vegetable farming. Respondent Fely, for example, has farmer parents who oblige
her to help the garden when she was in grade five. Her task included weeding and
applying abuno (fertilizer) particularly during Saturdays and whenever there was
no school. Respondent Vivian also works on the garden at the age of 13 helping
her parents, thus, it eventually leads to acquisition of knowledge of farming
Educational attainment. As gleaned from the table, a great majority have
either reached or finished high school or college. The pattern of educational
attainment implies that farmer respondents give value to education. The practice
valuing education is traced back to the American period when the public schools
system was established, with specific interest in the Cordillera.
Category. Respondents in this study are classified into four categories:
owner-farmer, farmer-trader, farmer-supplier and por dia or daily wage worker.
68
All respondents under the four categories hold a labor-intensive job. As gleaned
from the table, 10 respondents are farmer-owner, that is, they own the land they
till.
A farmer-supplier can also be a farmer-trader at the same time. The case
of farmer-respondent Remedios who previously had a stall or pwesto at La
Trinidad Trading Post typifies a farmer-supplier.
The four categories have varied access in resources such as financial
institutions and/or cooperatives. Farmer supplier-trader, compared to those other
categories, has an easier access to resources and has the cash capital needed for
the production. They usually own their means of transportation like truck to
transports their produce to the market outlet.
The plight of a por dia/daily wage worker is different from that of the
other categories. Women under this category perform the task meant either for
male or female on the farm. She does not enjoy the privilege that the women in
other categories are enjoying since she does not own the land she tills. Five
owner-farmer respondents also work under a por dia basis if they have free time
to augment their income.
This finding corroborates with Batani et al, (2002) that to augment the
income of owner-tillers, they work as hired hands of neighboring farms under a
por dia basis whenever their time allows it.
69
Estimated annual income of the respondents. Table 4 discloses the income
of the women respondents for the year 2005 and Table 5 the annual income of the
respondents from their vegetable farms for the year 2000 to 2005.
Some respondents do not give specific figure about their annual income
for a specific year. Their rationale is that they cannot recall their annual income
for that year; thus they just answered that they have experienced loss particularly
in the year 2005 due to typhoon Labuyo and the vegetable importation
phenomenon.
No women respondent has an annual income for the year 2005 that has
reached P45, 001 and above. The highest income for that year was 40,001-
45,000; however, five respondents did not give specific figure. From the data
reflected on the table, it is observed that for the past five years of farming, women
respondents’ experienced an unstable income. In interviews, the respondents
revealed that there are several reasons that contributed to this situation. The
reasons would include vegetable importation and natural calamities, specifically
typhoon Labuyo that hit the country in the year 2005, and destroyed the plants of
the farmers that leads to bankruptcy.
70
71
Farmer-respondent Vivian narrated:
Diay presyo. Agtrabaho kami met. Nababa ti presyo ti nateng ket
nangina diay magagatang nga usaren. Agasem diay abuno ngay ket 80
pesos iti maysa nga sako tapos agtranportasyon kami pay lang isu nga
apan ti 100 pesos. Tapos gumatang kami pay ti fertilizer… manu ti
fertilizer one thousand ti maysa nga kaban. Gumatang kami pay lang ti
fungicide kas da insecticide. Nangina da met. Into nu rumuar diay nateng
uray kunam nga nagmayat ti nateng me nababa met ti presyo. Diay
dadduma, nadadael lang garud ken nakissayan ta dinadael ti bagyo nu
aglako ket nababa pay lang diay presyo. Isu nga lugi kami. (Our income
had been decreasing because of price. The price of farm inputs is
expensive while the price of vegetable is low. Example, the price of
“abuno” is 80 pesos per sack and transportation is 100 pesos. Aside from
fungicide and insecticide, we are going to buy fertilizer which cost 1,000.
These are expensive and though we have quality vegetable but the price is
low. Some farmers were affected by typhoon and when they sell their
good, the price is low. Due to these, farmers had encountered deficits.)
On the other hand, farmer -respondent Remedios explains the reason why
her income had decrease.
Idi adda ti mabingay mi ngem tatta nga nababa ti nateng nalugi
met ti farmer tatta nga year (2005). Tatta nga 2005 nag loss ti farmer
gamin nababa ti presyo ti nateng. Timmama ti garden ngem presyo ti
nakaabakan mi ta naglako kami ti 3,4 5 pesos ti repolyo. So han nga
rimuar ti capital (In the past we have our share but this year (2005)
farmers had experienced loss due to the low price of vegetables. We sold
our cabbage at 3, 4, 5 pesos. Because of this, we are not able to regain our
capital).
Vegetable importation affects all the incomes of all categories. The effect
of vegetable importation to por dia/daily wage worker was explained by one
respondent. Respondent Andrea explained that because of vegetable importation
72
the price of vegetable was low. As vegetable importation affects the owner of the
land, the effect is also felt by the daily wage worker like respondent Andrea.
All respondents claim that one reason of the decrease of their income is
the lowering of farm gate price of the products. This trend can be attributed to the
law of supply and demand along with the entry of legal or illegal imported
vegetables resulting to an oversupply of vegetables. When asked the cause of this
oversupply, respondents identified vegetable importation. Oversupply signifies
that prices would fall since there is a direct relationship between price and
quantity of goods that producers are willing to supply. On her experience on
vegetable importation farmer-respondent Hariet says:
Idi 2000 tummama kami ngem tatta garud nga naapektuhan ti
importasyon ket isu nga bimmaba ti income me. (In the year 2000, we
experience “jackpot” but at present due to vegetable importation, our
income had decreased.)
Women respondents correctly identified vegetable importation as the
cause of the low price of their product. Respondent Fely recalls selling her
cabbage at a price of one peso or two pesos due to the entry of imported
vegetable. Vegetable importation, according to respondent Remedios, affects the
decrease price of their vegetable that leads to bankruptcy. Certainly, this is
detrimental to their means of income and existing condition.
Another problem compounding their situation are the presence of pests
and diseases, occurrence of calamities, increase cost of inputs and the existence
of diminished soil fertility.
73
Income, on the other hand, is related to other factors like acquisition of
new technologies and tools and having savings. Because of low income,
acquisition of new technologies and materials is not the priority of the
respondents. The relationship of income and acquiring new technologies was
explained by Mandac (1989, as cited by Wongsuwan, 2004) that low income level
was associated with low farm productivity since it limits the capacity of farm
households to purchase modern farm inputs so as to lift their income. Since
farmers have inadequate income, savings are also highly limited; hence the
acquisition of technologies and tools and having a savings become secondary.
The testimonies of all respondents indicate that farming is a “game of
chance.” This “game” can be attributed to the market conditions that are outside
the influence of the farmers. With the increasing price of farm inputs and the
entry of vegetable importation, vegetable growing becomes more risky for the
farmers whose main income depends on farming. Women farmers are unsure
whether to gain or not since some farming factors are beyond their control like the
changing price of vegetables, the weather, the increasing price of farm inputs and
the like. Farmer-respondent Lily said that farmers do not stop when they
encounter deficit but continue to plant with the hope that the next cropping will
give them better yields. There are times they experience deficits and deepening
indebtedness but there are times when farmers hit a “jackpot” price. This will
likely happen if they have quality vegetables and the farm gate price is high thus
74
they experience an increase in their income and will likely to invest on other
material resources. Like farmer-respondent Lily, other farmers consider the crop
to be a “suicide crop” as cited by Cruz (1994), and if the weather cooperates, the
gamble pays off and the farmers can to market their produce at very favorable
prices.
Closer examination shows that of the P50, 000 incomes is allocated as
capital for the next cropping, current expenses on food, loan payments, education,
health and other expenses. But more often than not, income from farming is
mostly set aside for financing the next cropping.
With the increasing cost of living and decreasing income, “who controls
the income” is an issue. Crisologo-Mendoza (1998), for instance, found in a study
on the decision making on the household budget in three Cordillera communities,
of which barangay Paoay is one of the areas, that the executive management of
the budget is the wife’s domain and the Cordillera women share decision-making
power with their husbands. The finding of Crisologo-Mendoza was partly
supported in the study of Batani et al, (2002) and by the present study, which
finds that some respondents who claimed that decision-making is shared by both
of wife and husband since they consult with each other. But in the case of
respondent Lily, who is a widow, the authority to decide is put into her shoulder.
This situation, as by Crisologo-Mendoza relates to the significant number of
75
households in Paoay that are headed by women who are either
abandoned/divorced or separated or are widowed.
On the other hand, respondents, when asked how much their gain or loss
is, cannot give a specific figure. They simply say “There is an increase” or “I
experience loss in my profits this year.” The reason for their general statement s
that most of them, including some men, do not keep a record on the outflows and
inflows of money. This practice of not keeping a record is viewed by the
researcher as risky because without it, one cannot examine the financial status in a
business. Recording the inflows and outflows in a business will give a person an
unambiguous situation of one’s finances.
Table 6. Household income
INCOME BRACKET
NUMBER OF
PERCENTAGE
PER MONTH
HOUSEHOLD
1,000 & below
3
.45
1.001-2000
16
2.40
2,001- 3,000
43
6.46
3,001-4,000
39
5.86
4,001-5,000
41
6.16
5,001-6,000
49
7.36
6,001-7,000
47
7.06
7,001-8,000
60
9.01
8,001-9,000
23
3.45
9,001-10,000
19
2.85
10,001 & above
326
48.94
No Answer
5
.75
Total
666
100
Source: As of March 2001Barangay Paoay Atok Municipality BNRMP
76
Table 7. Source of income
SOURCE
HH HEAD SPOUSE
OTHER
TOTAL
MEMBERS
Farm
474
172
78
724
Off-Farm
(Industry)
106
72
21
199
Non-Farm
(Prof.)
41
65 15 121
Total 621
309
114 1044
Source: As of March 2001 Baragay Paoay Atok Municipality BNRMP
About 48.94 percent or 326 of the total households in Paoay receive a
monthly income of more than P10, 000 and only three households below P1,000
(Table 6). Farming is the major source of income of the majority of the
households in Paoay, nevertheless, some augment their income by engaging in
off-farm and non-farm activities while a few derive their livelihood from either
off-farm or non-farm activities (Table 7). Those who belong to the upper income
bracket are usually involved in both off-farm and non-farm activities.
Studies show that women are not only universally responsible for food
preparation for their families; they are frequently responsible for supplying it, if
not by production, then by earning extra income to purchase. With the increasing
cost of living, the farmers try to augment their income by engaging in other
income-generating activities (Table 8) to raise their income and provide the daily
needs of the family.
77
Table 8. Other sources of income of the women respondents
RESPONDENT
SOURCES
1
none
2
none
3
comboy, por dia if time permits
4
por dia during her free time
5
cacti production, house to house selling of bread
6
por dia
7
-
8
being rented out
9
manage the women coop, por dia (husband)
10
maki-suplay
11
por dia
12
none
13
none
14
none
15
piggery, car for hire
16
none
As gleaned on Table 8, six respondents are totally dependent on farming.
Thus, with the entry of vegetable importation their only source of income is
threatened and so they adopt any coping mechanism for surviaval. The problem of
accessing and controlling sources of income however depends on the status – i.e
women who are owner-tiller usually have access compared to daily wage workers
(por dia).
This situation suggests that some women are better off (trader-supplier,
farmer-operator) and who have the capacity to look for other sources of income.
Respondents number 3, 8, 9 and 15 are ‘able to access other sources of income.’
78
A look into their background shows that they are all farmer operators who own
the land they till.
Land tenure of the respondents. Access and control of land resources is a
major indicator of the “status” of women. Equally important is the question of
“how much area” one “owns.” Table 18 reveals the respondents’ tenurial status in
relation to land. Thirteen respondents are owner-farmers and two are either
tenants or users of the land for free. Since a great majority owns the land, it may
be inferred that the land is either inherited from their parents and was divided
among siblings, is owned by their husbands or is considered as a conjugal
property. Respondents who consider themselves “tenants” are either real tenants
or users of the land for free. Probing reveals that these lands are owned by
relatives.
Table 9. Respondents Land Tenure
STATUS
NUMBER
PERCENTAGE
(F)
(%)
n=16
Owner-farmer
13
81.25
Tenant
1
6.25
CLT Holder
0
0
Using for free
1
6.25
Share tenant
0
0
Supplier’s land
0
0
CADT applicant/Holder
0
0
Other
1
6.25
Total
16
100
79
Table 9 shows that the farmer-respondents can own land or inherit it from
their parents. This finding is interesting as other indigenous women in many parts
of the world cannot inherit nor own land. The women respondents can accumulate
tracks of land because of the inheritance rules being practiced in Paoay (Cruz,
1994). According to the practice, all children have the right to inherit lands from
their parents. Even children who no longer reside in the community are entitled
to property. They, however, have the option to rent the land out or let relatives use
it in their absence. In any case, the women-respondents have relatively small areas
to till. This is one reason why women farmers have relatively small income, a
situation that can be attributed to internal, external and natural factors.
Small land or plots being tilled by women can yield a limited income.
Farmers in Benguet particularly those in Paoay, Atok according to Batani et al,
(2000) are classified as small land owners. Table 10 shows the farm classification
of Paoay, Atok.
Table 10. Farm classification in Paoay, Atok, Benguet
DESCRIPTION SMALL MEDIUM LARGE
Average farm Less than One hectare to Five hectare to
Size (ha)
ha. Five hectares 24 hectare
Source: Batani et al, 2000
80
Women farmers are still engaged in subsistence farming considering the
topography of Paoay. Paoay is a mountainous area and forest land has the widest
area with 868 hectares. Thus, farmers can adopt only equipment applicable to
their place; using farm machinery like tractor is impossible considering the
location of their garden. This is the reason why women respondents claimed that
gardening is done manually using equipment like gabyon (grub hoe).
According to Tauli-Corpuz (1998), such type of farming has no room in
the era of globalization. One of the consequences of globalization on indigenous
women is the remarkable transformation from subsistence production to the
production of cash crops. The conventional production method and resource care
system they had depended upon for decades are considered “inefficient and
backward by the global economy” market, which advocate global competitiveness
and comparative advantage. The global competitiveness being faced by women
suggest that women farmers need to discard the traditional practices of farming
and adopt modernization policy in farming to be able to compete with the
imported vegetables (Tauli-Corpuz, 1998).
Although women respondents would like to upgrade their equipments,
they could not because they lack the capital to purchase it. As respondent Fely
said, “Uray kayat mo gumatang ti water pump nu awan ti paggatang mo e di
awan met laeng” (Even though you want to have a water pump, you cannot but it
if you do not have the money).
81
Since three respondents do not own the land they till they cannot decide
what to do with it without the consent of the land owner. This situation eventually
results to having a negative output. Most of the time, decision making, rests on
the sole authority of the landowner since resources belong and come from the
land-owner. Compared to the owner-farmer, the landowner has more advantages
since she can decide what is best, what to plant and can implement innovations
immediately that will uplift her situation and prepare them in line with vegetable
importation.
Labor being utilized in the farm. One of the factors of production aside
from capital and land is labor. Shown on Table 18 are the kinds of labor employed
on the farm as narrated by the women respondents. As shown, the leading kind
utilized by the respondents is family labor
Table 11. Labor being utilized in the farm*
LABOR
NUMBER
PERCENTAGE
(F)
(%)
n=16
Family Labor
13
81.25
Hired labor
7
43.73
Bayanihan System 0
0
Contract Basis 1
6.26
Combination of family 1
6.26
and contract labor
Others 0
0
Total
22
*Multiple responses
82
As gleaned on Table 11, 13 depend on family labor. It is apparent that the
family is still a very important source of labor. Farm works are shared among the
different members of the household irregardless of age and gender.
However, since cash crop production is very labor intensive, rarely is the
family endeavor sufficient particularly. This is particularly true during the
planting and harvesting season where work is at its peak, hence, farmers resort to
hired labor or contract labor.
Even a farmer- supplier also depends on farm laborers. A farmer-supplier,
as mentioned earlier, provides financial assistance to other farmers under the pa-
suplay system. To the respondents, who are under the pa-suplay scheme, they feel
that their ‘labor’ is being exploited because the farmer being supplied also works
on the farm of the supplier. The burden of work is easily passed on to the farm
laborers.
On the other hand, the status of a por dia/daily wage worker can be
attributed to the following: limited resources, and lack of capital or no capital at
all. Being a daily wage farmer can be more difficult compared to those with other
categories. Respondent Andrea mentioned that the life of a por dia/daily wage
worker is hard. She works from seven in the morning to five in the afternoon and
there are times that her “boss” requiresher to do overtime work along with other
por dia workers. Though having overtime is seasonal, they do not have an
83
influence over this matter since they are always under the bidding of the owner-
farmer. Management of time, therefore, is one of the differences between por
dia/daily wage worker and one who owns the land.
Sources of capital. Table 12 presents the sources of capital of the farmer
respondents. The table shows that women respondents have several sources of
capital. A great majority of women respondents either finance their production
personally, or through middlemen, or a combination of both sources.
Most of the women respondents personally finance their production. The
rationale of this observable fact, as explained in the study conducted by the
Cordillera Studies Center (1994) is that cash receipts of farming household from
sales of produce have to meet both production/marketing costs and consumption
expenditures.
In an informal discussion, a group of women farmers mentioned that when
capital is not enough for the next cropping or that a farmer has experienced
bankruptcy, they adopt a pa-suplay system. According to them, the mode of
sharing agreement between the supplier and the person being supplied depends on
the “connection” between the farmer and supplier. An example of the agreement
is after deducting all the expenses, the supplier either gets 40 or 50 percent share
and the remaining 60 or 50 percent goes to the farmer. Such scheme still has
negative implication for the farmer who does the heavy and bulk of work, one of
84
Table 12. Sources of capital of the women respondents*
SOURCE
NUMBER
PERCENTAGE
(F)
(%)
n=16
Individually/
11
68.75
Family financed
Finance through
4
25
Loan
Finance by
10
62.5
Middlemen
Total
25
*Multiple Responses
is that the women are silently complaing about. This goes on to show that
vegetable farming is capital intensive and pa-suplay system which is the common
source of capital being adopted by women, can also be a fertile ground for
unethical lender-borrower relationship.
The large capital needed for each cropping likewise leads women
respondents to other financiers like middlemen at the La Trinidad Trading Post
which can be another form of pa-suplay scheme. The supplier- financier bears the
cost of production such as fertilizer. At harvest time all or a quantity of the
produce will be sold to suppliers/middlemen and the cost of production is
deducted from the proceeds. From this situation, the farmers do not have a choice
85
as to whom to sell the product, thus, savings from income, if any, are severely
limited. Hariet, one woman respondent, said “Diay pwesto diay trading post.
Isuda met lang to pangitedan me ti nateng me” (We borrow money from our suki
-one who buys regularly her product. We also give them our vegetable after the
harvest.) When asked if she can sell the vegetable to other traders, she answered
“Haanen tapnu nu agkurang kami ti mausar idiay garden, agited da” (No, so that
if we lack the needed materials they can lend us). Her answer implies that if a
farmer wants to establish social network, then must to regularly supply the trader
with her farm products.
Almost all women respondents claimed that they run to the middlemen, to
their suki in the Trading Post or to their supplier when they experience a shortage
of capital. Aside from this, some farmer and trader are bounded by relationship
whether being a relative, friend or neighbor. One attractive offer in this scheme is
that the supplier automatically takes charge of disposing the product. This is
especially true for suppliers who are also traders, however, limiting the bargaining
power of the farmer when it comes to price.
Aside from middlemen and their “suki”, respondents also claimed that
when they lack the needed capital, they borrow either from their friends,
neighbors, loans through banks and cooperatives or from someone they know has
the resources. This corroborates the data of Paoay BNRMP.
86
Farmers need long-term and short-term credit but women’s limited access
to financial services may prevent their efforts to improve or expand their farm
activities. Paoay farmers borrow money from various credit sources like suppliers,
banks, cooperatives, associations, relatives, friends and stores to buy farm inputs,
to pay for school fees or for everyday needs (Paoay BNRMP).
Crops being planted. Table 13 shows the crops being planted by the
respondents for the past five years of farming. It shows that cabbage, potato and
carrot are the major crops being planted. Aside from these crops, women farmers
also plant radish, celery and even cutflowers. Some respondents claim to plant
petchay but for home consumption only.
All the women respondents claimed that they practice crop rotation or
alternate cropping in a year but based on the interview, women respondents do not
really practice crop rotation since crops are concentrated only to three yielding
crops: potato, carrot and cabbage.
Women respondents claimed that they typically have two to three
croppings in a year. However, the second and third croppings are still dependent
on the availability of water. Women farmers can have the second or if water is
abundant but to those women who depend on rain, they have one or two
croppings. Crops are planted in February and October (Appendix K).
The planting for the first crop starts from the months of February to March
and harvesting is done in early June to late July while the second cropping starts
87
88
in October and harvesting time in December. There is no particular crop planted
in the first or second cropping season because crop depends on the availability of
seeds as well as the preferences of farmers but, still, concentrated on the three
crops: potato, cabbage and carrot mixed with other crops like radish or sweet
peas. According to respondent Dominga “depende diay kaima-an ti farmer.”
Some respondents alter the vegetable they plant in a cropping while some practice
mixed crop.
In an informal interview, women farmer claimed that the reason they
practice crop rotation is to minimize club root and other diseases with a hope to
improve and gain more money. Such practice is based on women-innovated
knowledge on farming that is integral in farming system. In addition, they plant
one or two kinds of vegetable in one cropping because of the desire to gain more
income and maximize the land that they have since land is limited. One women
farmer says that if she plants carrots and potatoes for the first cropping, she will
plant cabbage for the second cropping or the other way around. Cruz (1994) found
out that by planting potatoes or carrots to a parcel previously planted to cabbage
the two most serious problems associated with cabbage cultivation, clubroot and
diamond backmoth may be controlled.
The vegetable products of the women farmers are generally sold in La
Trinidad Trading Post where they will be given their product to a certain
middleman who also supplies their needs like capital or farm inputs.
89
Women’s Role in the Production of Crops
Before and After the Implementation of WTO - AoA
In the Cordillera, women farmers have always played a major role in food
production. In this study, the women respondents have been involved in farming
activities since they were young doing simple to complex tasks. Thus, any
changes in the economic sector will eventually bring a shift role on the aspect of
women as they adopt their own coping mechanism to be able to withstand the
impact brought particularly in relation to vegetable importation.
The roles of the women farmers in the production of crops before and after
the implementation of WTO –AoA are presented in Table 14.
Gender roles are those assigned in any given society to men and women,
hence this is culturally defined. Tradition has dictated predominant roles for men
and women. The husband’s role in the Filipino home is mainly economic. The
Table 14. Roles of Women Farmers in Crop Production*
ACTIVITIES
BEFORE WTO-AoA
AFTER WTO- AoA
Male
Female
Male
Female
n=16
Preparing the Land
/
/
/
/
Planting
/
/
/
/
Applying fertilizers/
Chemicals
/
/
/
/
Weeding
/
/
/
/
Plowing/digging
/
/
/
/
Others
*Multiple Responses
90
typical role for women is that of housekeeper. Her duties are to keep the house in
order, attend to the needs of her husband and children and to take care of domestic
activities (Rojas-Aleta, 1977). However, gender roles are not fixed; they change
over time. For the past years there have been drastic transformation in the types of
work that have been considered typically women’s or men’s job (Karl 1996 and
Wiber,1984, Batani et al, 2002); for instance, women farmers are taking on what
used to be men’s jobs as males migrate to cities to find better-paying jobs. The
claim of other author like Batani et al, 2002, and Karl (1996) corroborates with
the present study.
The findings show that there is no difference between the work of men
and that of women on the farm. Women respondents claimed that what the men
can do in the field the women can also do as well, from preparing the land,
planting, weeding, applying fertilizers and chemicals harvesting and even till the
products are brought to the market. On the other hand, literature has shown that in
agriculture sector, women are visible from production to post production activities
as corroborated in this study. However, this is not the case before though. Before,
spraying and applying fertilizers were the work of men (Batani et al, 2002).
Interestingly some women respondents say they are “as competent as the men.”
On the other hand, womens participation in the production level could pose health
risks. But women themselves, apparently, do not give much attention on this
situation.
91
When asked what specifically her job in the field is, respondent Janet
answered:
Ditoy gamin highland, no anya ti ar-aramiden ti lallaki diay farm,
ar-armiden met dagiti babai. (Here in the highlands, what the man can do
in the field, women farmers can do also.)
This is reinforced by respondent Leticia who stated:
Gamin parehas ti trabaho din babbae ken lallaki ditoy ta nu
agbomba ti lalaki kasyay met lng ti babbai. Parehas met. Ag-gabyon
kami… aglugam… parehas. Awan ti para babae dayay para lallaki
daytoy ta agtinnulong gamin. (The works of men and women farmers are
the same. Both, men and women, spray the plants, prepare the land. There
is no such thing as women’s work or men’s work.)
Apparently, Atok women would take pride in performing similar roles on
the farm. This is typical among strong and level-headed Cordillera women.
However, implications would be varied. Perhaps what could explain for this
attitude is the resource poor setting that these women are into. In the meantime, it
is generally established that male members of the household used to dominate the
management of commercial farms. This has been also the conclusion of Wiber
(1984). However, presently, the management of commercial farms is no longer
the domain of men but also of women as well as claimed by the women
respondents of this study. This finding then disagrees with the conclusion of
Wiber (1984) that male members of the household used to dominate the
management of commercial farms. Women respondents agree that the only
difference between the labor of men and women is the weight of the load because
92
men carry loads heavier than women. This was well articulated in an informal
interview with some community members. But the case of respondent Dominga is
different from that claimed by most respondents.
Kadagiti dadduma, trabaho ti lalaki trabaho da. Ngem siak diay
nalaka nga trabahoen isu ti trabahoek. Diay nalaka bagik diay narigat
bagi ni lakay ko. Haanak nga aggabyon ken ag spray. Tumulongak nga
agdalos, agmula ken agharvest ngem bagi na ti agbunag. (For some
women farmer, the work of the men is also their work. But in my case, I
do light and easy work. I help in weeding, planting and harvesting but not
applying fertilizers and aggabyon. My husband does the heavier task like
carrying.)
From the story of the women respondent, the role of each woman
respondent varies depending upon the situation they are into. For example, in the
case of respondent Lily being a widow, she has become the head of the
household. As the head of the household she shoulders all decision-making
related to field and home management and assumes the roles in the garden
formerly assumed by his husband.
For Karl (1996), the assumption that farmers are men is usually where
policy making and legislation fail.
It can be inferred that with the advent of trade liberalization and the
implementation of the Agreement of Agriculture, it is not only the men farmers
who will be affected but also the roles of women in the crop production. That is
women fulfill their task in the field, the implementation of AoA will further
complicate their situation.
93
These tasks however will have health implication on their part. Both
Cariňo (2005) and Cheng and Bersamira (1994) claimed that Benguet farmers are
a major consumers of fertilizers and pesticides. Since it was observed that there is
an increasing participation of women farmers in the cash crop production, women
are exposed to hazardous chemicals being used on the farm (Appendix F). The
study of Batani et al (2002) in Paoay, Atok revealed that almost all of the ailments
of the respondents were related to using chemicals and treated by self–help
remedies, which are commonly adopted by the respondents. The labor
intensiveness vegetable production is a factor why women work as hard as men.
Status of Women Farmers Given the
Changing Situation in the Vegetable Industry
To accurately describe the status and condition of women farmer
respondents given the changing status in the vegetable industry of Benguet, one
must reflect on their existing status. Status in this research refers to the condition
of women in the crop production, at the household level and in the community, as
well as the access and control to resources like income, time, community
involvement, investment and involvement. The women respondents have been
actively participating in the cash crops production by assuming the roles once
dominated by men (Wiber, 1994). Along with their task in the vegetable
production they are not excuse from assuming other functions at home and in the
community. This section of the research looks into the status of farmer respondent
94
given the changing condition in the vegetable industry in relation to the entry of
vegetables and the implementation of the WTO-AoA.
Compared to the vegetable industry five years ago, a great majority of the
respondents articulate that vegetable industry five years ago was better compared
today in terms of the changes they have observed and experienced.
One of the changes observed and felt by the women respondents presently
is the soaring price of farm inputs like fertilizers and chemicals. All agreed that
the farm inputs are having almost prohibitive prices. Some women respondents
attribute this increase in price of farm inputs to the increasing price of crude oil.
Second, harvest is low and this can be attributed to natural calamities and pest and
diseases. Third, the price of their vegetable has decreased. Almost all women
respondents claimed that the lowering of vegetable price is due to oversupply and
the entry of vegetables coming since vegetable importation is related to
oversupply of vegetables in the market. However, probing revealed that local
farmers felt that what they produce is enough to meet the needed semi-temperate
vegetables in the country. But with the intrusion of imported vegetables the price
of local vegetables was left behind. Oversupply of vegetable resulting from
importation results to low price since there are a lot of vegetables competing in
the market. It is interesting to note that women respondents claim that their
produce is of good quality and they feel that it should correspondingly command
better price. Remedios, a trader-supplier, said that she, together with several
95
farmers, opted to leave their vegetables get rotten in the field rather than
transporting them to the market as this surely would mean additional loss of
income. This will be further elaborated under the problems faced by the women
respondents.
These policy shifts expressed in WTO-AoA negatively affect women
respondents as shown in their changing roles and status discussed in the ensuing
paragraphs.
Access to and control of time as a resource. This refers to how the women
farmers manage their time resources as they assume their different roles at home,
in garden and in the community. When the women respondents were asked to
describe their status now, ten respondents answer that they have longer working
hours.
For these women, they say life is more difficult and its difficulty is
brought about by prices of commodities that keep on increasing and are
aggravated by the entry if legal or illegal vegetable importation. This puts more
pressure for these women to finish their task so they can take on other paid work.
Moreover, they need to finish work to be in time with the harvest time and
eventually catch up with at least “good market” price of vegetables. These women
also claim that increasingly husband and wife and even children are staying late in
their vegetable gardens.
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At the same time, 11 respondents claim they have limited time in
assuming their household and family responsibilities because of vegetable
farming. Women respondents carry multiple burdens as they assume their roles at
home and in the garden. Most of the respondents claim that before going to the
field, they have simultaneously assumed their role as mothers. This role involves
preparing the daily needs of their children as well as performing house chores.
The following is the typical day of a woman farmer. As she assumes her task,
shifts from one role to another. After preparing the food and cleaning the house in
the morning, she joins her husband in the field. At eleven o’clock she goes home
to cook and returns to the field at one o’ clock to continue her work. At the end of
the day, she continues to assume her task doing the work of a mother and as a
wife. Though the husband and children share in this responsibility, the bulk of the
responsibility is still in the hands of the women.
Such schedule of farm activities was also the scenario in the study of
Cheng and Bersamira (1994): Monday to Saturday, farmers work from sunrise to
sunset in whatever type of weather condition. This is exactly the claim and
situation that present day women vegetable farmers confront.
A case in point is the woman farmer Vivian. She gets up at 4:30 or five
early in the morning to cook for her children and afterwards clean the house. She
goes to her vegetable garden around 7:30 or 8:00 in the morning. But if there are
works to be done in the garden, cleaning the house is set aside. Respondent
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Sioning, on the other hand, claimed that after preparing the needs of her children
going to school and feeding her pets, she immediately goes to the farm to work.
In the case of respondent Susan, she goes to the farm to work with her little child.
But like other women respondents she admitted that her responsibilities at home
like cleaning was sacrificed particularly if there are a lot of tasks to finish. Upon
hearing the different stories of the women farmers, it is apparent that women
farmers share a common plight. The women respondents assume roles that
requires sacrifice on their part: as mother, as wife, as farmer and as a member of
the society.
Interestingly, this shift in roles and status go against the finding of an
earlier study in Buguias by Calugan et.al. (2002) that Buguias farmers, between a
mother and wife, their maternal instinct overshadows everything else. It can be
drawn that a mother should be able to do everything to serve as model to their
children.
Twelve respondents claim that they have limited time for leisure and
socialization with other women. Between work and socialization, women farmers
are willing to give up their time with other women for the sake of their work
especially if they need to finish it. The majority claim that they can socialize with
other women only during Sundays, holidays, and special occasions or if there is
no work to be done in the garden. But if they need to finish the task, some of the
respondents claim that they even neglect to attend church services and prefer to
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work in their vegetable plots because like in their own houses, work on the farm
seems endless. This shows that cash crops farming is really labor intensive. A
case in point is Leticia, who used to farm but now leases her garden. Similarly,
three respondents, when asked how much time they devote in their garden, they
answered six in the morning till six in the evening. Leticia reminisces those
times, she said:
Six to six ah uray rabii pay lalo nu nagmula kan tattan tapos nu
han nga nagtudo ket kasapulam nga sibugan ket nasipnet ten, agflash
light kan ah. Ag-overtime ka pay diay garden. (Six in the morning till six
in the afternoon. If there’s no rain and you had just planted and there is a
need to water the plant you will be staying late in the garden using a
flashlight.)
In the case of respondent Dominga, who is a farmer and a canteen
manager at the women’s coop, when asked about accessing health care,said:
Awan ah talaga nga limitado ti oras ta syempre umayak ditoy
canteen nga agtrabaho, agawidak bassit lang ti oras ko. Nu agsapa
umsyek manen ditoy rabiin ton manen nga agawidak diay balay. Isunga
awanen diay tiempok nga apan agpa check-up. (None because my time is
limited. In the mornig I work here at the canteen by the time I will go
home its alreadt dark. The next morning I have the same routine and I will
be going home late again. I don’t have time to have my check-up.)
From this situation and from the interviews conducted, it may be inferred
that as women farmers devote more of their time in the field, while their time for
the household and family responsibility; time to socialize with other women,
leisure time, and even their time for themselves has been limited. The above
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situation of women corroborates with the conclusions of Cağatay (2001) that
women are likely to work longer hours than men.
Moreover, as women work inside and outside the home the end result is an
increased workload that leads to a “double burden” Other terms have been used
by Cagatay to refer to this situation like “double day”. This women status results
when there is an increase in the labor force participation of women but is not
accompanied by a commensurate reduction in their unpaid domestic labor.
Contreras (1998) describing this scarcity of time resources as an
opportunity loss, stated that reproductive functions such as household chores that
women undertake, if translated into economic terms, reveal its invaluable
economic value.
Two of the respondents claimed that their time in working is the same
while four respondents like respondent Remedios and respondent Lily claimed
that it depends on the person since as farmers they handle their time.
As discussed earlier, women are highly put under pressure in the context
of globalization.
Social services. Women‘s endeavor to enhance the quantity of their
income-generating activities are thwarted by their limited access to social services
such as credit to name a few. Women have limited access to credit and capital
required to increase their production. In this study social service refers to
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women’s access to credit, capital, transportation, land ownership and agricultural
facilities and organization.
Gender differential in accessing credit. Capital has always been the
perennial problem confronted by vegetable farmers. Although the difficulty of
accessing credit for small farmers both affect men and women, the plight of
women is worse for many reasons. Women lack acceptable collaterals which are
the primary requirements in accessing loans. Another is that men are the legally
recognized heads of the family. Recognized as landowner are male members of
the household. This means that men with collaterals can have access to credit.
Such situation was reiterated by respondent Dominga when asked who can apply
for credit:
Ni lakay ko ngem uray siak ti mangi-process ngem nagan na met
lang… nu idiay outside mabalin nga uray siak ti agloan ngem nu kua ket
isuna latta ta nagan na tapos nu collateral ket nakanagan kanyana diay
lote. (It is my husband although I process it but it was named after him. If
it is outside, it can be me but it is still him because of collateral and he was
recognized as the land owner).
In the case of respondent Vivian when asked if she had experience
applying for loans from banks, she mentioned that she tried but due to insufficient
collateral her papers were not approved. As articulated by these women that a
woman who does not own the lands have a usually limited access to agricultural
support services such as credit for purchasing inputs.
The case of respondent Rose and Sioning is different from that of the other
respondents. Respondent Rose is a tenant, meaning, she tills a land she does not
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own while respondent Sioning up to the present continues to till the land of her
father. The land was not yet given to her as an inheritance signifying there is no
formal transfer of property.
“Who owns the resources” is very important because this will determine
who has the access to credit. As mentioned earlier, some women respondents own
the land they till and owning it gives them a better status compared to those
women respondents who do not own the land they till because their access to
services like credit is very limited. On the other hand, some women owning the
land they till may not guarantee their having a full access in loaning institutions.
This was further explained by respondents Vivian.
Padasen koma nga agloan ngem han met nga maaprobaran diay
loan ta kurang ti collateral (We tried to but it was not approves since our
collateral is not enough).
Women are not a “homogenous entity” meaning, while all are women
farmers, still there are women who are categorized differently–i.e. women
supplier, women trader, por dia women and owner farmer. Each category differs
in their status in relation to accessing credit.
Karl’s conclusion sums up the above scenario. Discriminatory legislation
is seen when women farmers are involved as evidence by the existence of
discriminatory laws on land acts, agrarian reform and even on membership
cooperatives. Even when legislation does not limit women’s right to land titles
and membership in cooperatives, tradition often does.
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Because of inadequate capital and for easier access, the farmers have
resorted to accepting financing under arduous circumstances. One way is for a
vegetable dealer to finance a crop, on the condition that the farmer will bring her
harvest to the dealer financier on provisions which are not good to the farmer.
This is advantageous as the farmer has already her control in terms of prices. If
the existing income is inadequate to cover the farmer’s expenditure for the next
cropping she seeks additional financing from the supplier. This puts women
farmers into deeper indebtedness. Aside from the dealer financier, women
respondents claim that they resort to borrowing from those people whom they
know have the capital such as their relatives, neighbors, or friends.
As reiterated by the women respondents, it is not only the collateral that
hinders them in accessing capital to different organizations or lending institutions.
Some respondents say that they have not tried to loan in cooperatives or
association like in the case of respondent Fely. One reason that ‘holds her back’ is
some “not so good issues” confronting any borrower. Another reason is the many
“paper works” to process as well as too long waiting periods which defeat the
purpose of the loan. As experienced by some women respondents, loans are
approved only after the time they do not need the cash anymore. In relation to the
“paper works’, according to the adviser of womens organization, Yolinda
Beliano, if a women farmer wants to be a member of the Association she goes to
her sitio to apply and process the requirement she needs. There are bureaucratic
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processes to be followed. A woman who wants to join the women’s organization
will apply at her sitio and has to hurdle bureaucratic requirements at the barangay
level before she is entertained at the womens association.
Respondent Dominga says:
Idi awan pay ti vegetable importation, mabalin nga maka-invest
kami pay, makagatang kami ti kayat mi tatta ngay ket as in nga awan. Idi
ah ket mabalin nga han kami nga ag-utang ken agloan. Tatta nga adda ti
importation ket ni rimmigat ti biag min. (When there was no vegetable
importation we an still invest, we can buy the things that we want but now
its different. Way back then, it is possible for us not to borrow money but
since we have this vegetable importation life is more difficult).
Thus, with the full implementation of WTO AoA and with the existing
condition of women respondents in terms of capital and credit resources signifies
that women respondents cannot cope with the threat brought by global shift
particularly with the entry of imported vegetable since they lack the resources to
strengthen their farming activities.
Material Resources. Material resources in this study refer to income,
savings, and accumulation of new technologies.
As mentioned earlier, women perform multiple tasks in the sphere of
agriculture. If they are considered and viewed as cultivators as well as producers
of food then women farmers need to increase and improve their productivity and
this entails improvement of technology too. But this will not likely happen since
all the respondents claim that they have limited income, savings, investment, and
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accumulation of new technologies. Income, savings, investments and
accumulation of new technologies are related to each other in the sense that
having a low income means limited possibility to save and invest. It also indicates
that a farmer has a limited opportunity to improve technology being used in the
garden.
All respondents agree that they do not have savings since their income
goes to garden, payment of credit, school fees, and daily needs. As respondent
Dominga says:
Mostly met gamin ket awan ti ma-isavings ta kasla nga agrotate
lang met. Nu awan ti eskwela apan diay makan. i-roll mon to manen idiay
garden. (Most of the women farmers don’t have extra income to save
since their money revolves to school fees, food in the garden).
In terms of accumulation of new technologies, some women respondents
do not consider this as a problem because they claim they still have their existing
tools to use like gabyon. Aside from that, they wait for a tool to be worn out and
destroyed before they buy a new one. Some respondents say that as long as they
can still use it, some remedy measures is being adopted like fixing the tool. If the
tool cannot be used anymore and no money has been allotted for this, the farmers
borrow money to purchase it. It is apparently seen that one of the related problems
brought by limited capital is the access of suitable technology that can help uplift
their level of productivity.
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From the foregoing testimonies of women respondents, it may be inferred
that having low income can limit the productivity of the farmers; farmers cannot
invest or save because of lack income and income goes back to the garden as
mentioned earlier.
Based on the inventory of farm machine and equipment by CHARM
through the BNRMP, Paoay farmers used the following: gabion, sangkhap,
bolos, rakes and sickles. These tools are mostly used in land preparation, seedbed
preparation, fertilizer application, and harvesting. Work is done manually by the
farmer respondents and this can be attributed to the topography of the place.
Probing, however, show that this seemingly “resigned” attitude of women
results to having limited resources. Women respondents for instance say that
when their tools get destroyed, they themselves repair them. Still, another would
say that destroyed tools do not automatically mean buying a new one as cash
resources have to be saved for more important matter like capital for the next
cropping.
Community involvement. In this study community involvement refers to
women’s access to women’s organization, and ability to attend trainings, seminars
and barangay meetings.
From the interview and the data gathered, women farmer respondents
claim that it is not only their family and household responsibility that has been
limited but also their community involvement. A great majority agreed that
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attending seminars, trainings and meetings are sometimes postponed because of
their work in the field. Respondents claim that if time permits and if meetings,
seminars and trainings are short, important and helpful, they attend them. Few
respondents claim that attending seminars depend on the person involved.
Some of the respondents are members of the women’s organization
located in Sayangan. According to the respondents, joining such organization
does not only benefit them but also their husband since this organization can lend
capital. The women organization sponsors seminars and training and according to
respondent Dominga, the vice-president of the women’s organization, such
seminars can help women uplift their knowledge and betterment of their farming
activities. Among those women respondents who claimed to be a member of the
women organization, some say that they are not active members at present
because of the nature of their work and the roles they assume at home.
It is apparent that some women respondents like the case of respondent
Leticia, president of the women’s organization, and Dominga, who assumed a
significant position in the organization, can assume leadership positions. But on
the other hand, assuming such position will eventually leads to taking on
responsibilities that extend their working hours.
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Problems Encountered by Women Farmers
The 16 farmer respondents have experienced several problems since they
started farming and these problems can be limiting the output and productivity of
farmer respondents. Among the problems encountered by the farmer respondents:
areabsence of water supply and irrigation; inadequate supply of materials like
seeds, pesticides, and insecticides; inadequate capital; insufficient technology and
tools; high cost of inputs; destruction of plants due to calamities, typhoons and
frost; different pest and diseases and diminishing soil fertility. Compounding
these problems is the problem of low farm price.
Lack of water source particularly during summer limits the cropping of the
farmer respondents and this may result to limited income. According to these
women, there are some areas in Atok municipality that totally depend on rain.
This is supported by the data from the BNRMP that only 30 percent of the total
agricultural area is irrigated that is, water is available all year round.
All respondents claim that lack of capital is one of the major problems
faced by the farmer. Cash crops farming is considered as capital intensive. Having
a limited capital is related to other problems being encountered by the farmers.
First, it is related to having insufficient supply of materials like farm inputs and
tools as mentioned earlier. Kranz (1976) stated that commercial vegetable
production usually requires large capital and heavy labor inputs, refined skill and
good marketing facilities. As highlighted by the women respondents, the capital
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intensiveness of vegetable farming can be crippling. Lack of capital would mean
inability to plant. Inadequate capital would also mean lack of farm inputs and
farm tools. The absence of support to marketing their produce is another
problem. One can say that with vegetable importation, the future of the women
farmers all the more is made uncertain. Second, if women farmers have
insufficient capital and their income is fluctuating, they fall under further
indebtedness to informal and formal lenders. Third, limited capital also results to
limited income.
According to respondent Vivian:
Before 2000 atleast han kami la unay nga ag-utang tatta ngay ket
ag-utang kami metten. (Before 2000, atleast we don’t often borrow
money, borrowing money use in the farm is not uncommon.)
All farmer respondents observe and agree that the prices of farm inputs are
high and sometimes not affordable compared five years ago. When asked what
could be the perceived cause, some farmer respondents attribute this to increasing
price of commodities especially crude oil. Respondent Julie says that prices of
farm inputs are high yet the price of vegetables is low even though they have a
high quality, thus the women have a low income. This problem is aggravated by a
low farm gate price and income is not sufficient to provide both household and
farm needs.
The issue of low farm gate price is also related to vegetable importation.
The vegetables of farmers cannot compete with the low price of the imported
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vegetables considering that if women will allow the price of their vegetables to be
lowered, their capital is at stake.
The structural limitation in relation to prices has been a perennial issue.
The vegetable farmers are in no position to dictate the prices of their crops. Prices
of commodities are unpredictable and vary from time to time (Appendix L). In
the case of carrot and cabbage alone, the table shows that in the month of January
alone this year, the price is not stable (Appendix L). In just a span of three weeks
the price decreased and such decrease is beyond the farmer’s control.
Appendix M shows the rise and fall of price of cabbage from the year
1999-2003. It is evident from the graph that there is a steep and continuous
decline of price in the year 2000 to 2003. This can be attributed to the entry of
imported vegetable that had swept the vegetable industry of Benguet. This has a
great impact on the income of the farmers because during the times that the prices
fall the farmers just allow their vegetables to rot in their garden and be used as
fertilizers. The production costs, which include the cost of chemical inputs, seeds,
transporting the vegetable from the garden to the market, far exceed whatever
they can earn.
Aside from the problems mentioned above, some women respondents
include health as one of their problems. Farmer respondents rely on chemicals and
insecticides for disease and pest control thus they expose themselves to hazardous
chemicals and pesticides that may threaten their health. Aside from that, as a
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farmer, whatever the weather condition, they are expected to tend to their crops.
Three respondents say that even if they are not in good health condition, suffering
from slight fever or cold, and whatever the weather condition they still visit their
crops. This is because of the big sum invested on their gardens and even a single
day of absence in the farm could pose great risks. Due to this situation, the health
of the respondent is at risk. As a result they resort to cost-cutting and one of the
things that will be sacrificed is the money allotted for the health of the family.
As mentioned earlier, in cash crop production, farmers rely heavily on
pesticides, fungicides and other chemicals used in farming. But using too much
chemicals can affect also the fertility of the soil that can change the total
production of vegetable farmers. All respondents claim that diminishing soil
fertility is one of the problems they are facing. This is due to acidity brought
about by the use of chemicals and as claimed by the respondents, to soil being too
old. The relationship yield to soil fertility is explained by economist in the Law of
Diminishing Returns.
Solutions Employed by Women Farmers
The problems adversely affecting the production and income of the farmer
respondents needs immediate measures from the government as well as from the
farmers itself. From the interviews with the farmer respondents shown in Table
27 are the solutions being adopted and practice at present by the women farmers.
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Based on Table 15, farmer respondents usually resort to borrowing money
to be able to solve their problems. Farmers either borrow from someone they
know or ask help from their supplier in the Trading Post who will supply them the
needed farm inputs or capital they needed. The finding supports the observation
made by the Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Agricultural Research (1989)
that farmer were trapped into a cycle of borrowing. The practice of farmers in
resorting to borrowing capital from private lenders to finance their crop is like a
cycle. They borrow to finance, repaying it after the harvest and borrowing again if
income is insufficient to finance the next cropping.
In other problems like the lack of irrigation/water, the women cope by
limiting the number of cropping. They also resort to self-help remedies like crop
rotation, application of greater volume of pesticide and insecticide. Women who
are “better-off” also participate in the provincial level organizing in response to
the issue of vegetable importation. Concrete actions like joining petitions and
congress- were also facilitated since one respondent is the president of womens
organization.
When the farmer respondents were asked about government program
being implemented, some of them said that they are not aware of the programs
and laws being implemented by the government. Others mentioned the following:
training and seminars like organic farming and crop programming. To be able to
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Table 15. Solutions employed by the women farmers
PROBLEM
SOLUTION
No water supply
- wait for the rain
- resort to one or two cropping instead of
three cropping in a year
- Deep well
- limit the size of land to be planted
Lack of materials - Borrow money
Like seeds and fertilizers - Supplier
Lack of capital
- Borrow money
a. friends
b. neighbors
c. relatives
d. middlemen/suki at the Trading Post
- Loan
a. private
b. banks
- pa-suplay
Insufficient tools/
- do some remedy (fixing the tools)
Technology
-Borrow money to be able to buy
Cost of inputs
- Borrow money
- go to their supplier
Destruction of plants
- replant with another crop
due to typhoons and
calamities
Pest and diseases
- apply chemicals, insecticides
Diminishing soil
- crop rotation
Fertility
- try organic farming
Others
o Clubroot
- apply lime
-crop rotation
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help the affected farmers due to the destruction of plant brought about by the
frost, the Department of Agriculture launched the Plant Now, Pay Later (PNPL)
Though the DA tried to help the farmers’ through these measures, it is not
enough to prepare the women farmers in line with the entry of vegetable
importation. This can only solve and help the women farmers in a short while.
When asked what the government should do to help them in line with
vegetable importation, the following recommendations are given by the farmer
respondents.
Table 16. Recommendations
RECOMMENDATION
Financial Assistance
Market outlet aside from Trading Post in la Trinidad
Price of oil should be lowered in relation to the increasing price of
transportation and farm inputs
Trainings
Stop GATT/ importation of vegetable
Patronize our own product
Capital plays an important role in farming. It is the aspiration of women
farmers that the government will be able to extend help in terms of finance. There
are constraint to women farmer in borrowing money (informal or formal), which
includes collateral and cash capital aside from having high interest.
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Generally, the vegetable products of the farmers are sold to La Trinidad
Trading Post. What happens here is that when there are a lot of products being
sold, the tendency is the oversupply of products that leads to lowering of prices
that affects the income of the farmer but it is the middlemen who usually
benefited. It is the desire of women to have another market outlet where their
products can directly reach the consumers and break the long chain of middlemen.
Another problem of the farmers is the increasing price of farm inputs and
the women correctly related this to the increasing price of crude oil. Since the
government cannot control and dictate the price of oil at least necessary measures
should be undertaken by the government to help the plight of the people
especially the farmers. Women and other farmers should be equipped and
empowered to be ready to face trade liberalization. The role of trainings and
seminar could not be undermined. Proper communication should be done as to
reach the concerned people.
Farmer respondents are aware of the issue of vegetable importation and
the effects it brings to them. Their desire is the government to stop the entry of
vegetable importation since it really affects the price of their crops that affects
their income that will also affect their situation not only as producers but also as
consumers and being as secondary earners as others view them. According to
them, if the government will not be able to stop the intrusion of imported
vegetable, at least the government should do something so that their means of
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livelihood will not be affected and that they will be able to compete with the
imported vegetables.
One woman respondent had mentioned that despite the intrusion of
imported vegetable in the local economy, Filipino people should learn to
patronize the local products to help not only the local industry but also the local
farmers.
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
The main objective of this study was to determine the impact of vegetable
importation to the roles and status of women farmers in Sayangan and Englandad,
Paoay, Atok. The specific objectives were to determine the socio-economic
profile of the respondents; describe their present status given the changing
situation in the vegetable industry; and to identify their problems in the
production level in relation to vegetable importation as well as the solutions
employed.
The respondents were 16 women farmers from Sayangan and Englandad,
Paoay, Atok. An interview schedule was used to gather relevant data from the
respondents. The data were tabulated and analyzed. Frequency and percentage
were used.
The salient findings are the following:
1. The level of participation of women in the cash crop economy is
increasing. Because of this, women’s role in farming activities is adjusted to
mainly getting involved in economic activities that try to cope with pressing
economic needs. This adjustment, however, carries implications on the women’s
control of their time, capital (if any) and community involvement. In terms of
labor division, the majority of the farmer respondents claim that there is no
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significant difference between the work of men and that of women in the
production system.
Women farmers are not a homogenous entity, that is many are poor and a
few are much better off. In this study, the categories (farmer-trader, farmer-
supplier, farmer-owner and women farmers involved in por dia basis) indicate
differential access and control to resources.
2. Women respondents claim that the present vegetable industry has
become a far cry from that of the past. With the changing situation of the
vegetable industry, the status of women is affected.
In terms of time resources, the majority of the women respondents claimed
that much of their time is spent on the farm. Thus their time for their family, for
leisure and for socialization with other women is affected. They claim that they
can only have time for leisure and socialization after their work on the farm.
Women respondents have a limited income that eventually leads to highly
limited savings, investments and opportunity to adopt new technologies and own
tools used on the farm.
In terms of community involvement, women respondents can only attend
to activities like seminars, trainings and meeting based on their available time.
3. There are problems besetting women farmer that had been existing
since they started faming. Problems that are within and out of their control and
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further negate their status and roles as women farmers and eventually their
economic productivity and development.
4. The solutions undertaken by the women farmers can help them survive
their existing status. But these solutions were not able to prepare the women in
line with the entry of vegetable importation and in the context of globalization
Conclusions
Based on the findings, the following conclusions are drawn:
1. Farmer respondents are categorized as old women who range in age
from 40 years and above. Women who are into farming are relatively old, that is
about middle ages to post middle age. A great majority of the respondents started
farming when they were young and have either reached or finished high school or
college.
Thirteen respondents are owner-farmer. The income of women
respondents since 2000 is erratic due to internal, external and natural factors.
Affecting their source of income are the existence pest and diseases, low farm
gate price, and occurrence of calamities and typhoon. Compounding these
problems is the intrusion of legal or illegal imported vegetables. Since having a
limited income and being responsible in preparing the food, the women farmers
augment their income through other means. Most respondents are owner-farmers
who depend on family labor or hired labor when family labor is not enough.
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In terms of capital source, a great majority depend on their limited capital
and on pa-suplay system particularly on middlemen, if they lack the needed
capital or farm input. Pa-suplay scheme varies depending on the agreement
between the supplier and the farmer. A great majority plant cash crops such as
potato, carrot and cabbage.
2. The roles women respondents demonstrate that they are involved in a
capital and labor intensive work on the farm. With their assumed multiple roles,
their health is eventually affected. The status of women is aggravated as they try
to cope with new policies being implemented and with the changing situation in
the vegetable industry. The rising importance of the women’s economic
involvement to the family and the additional demand upon her time and endeavor
are having intense upshot on the family and her role in the community as well.
With the implementation, of WTO-Agreement on Agriculture and the
intrusion of imported vegetables situations which they are now experiencing,
women farmers are caught off guard. And with the limited capital and income
they have, adopting innovations and improving their productivity are impossible.
Their income insufficient to meet the basic needs of their families
especially if they have five to eight household members and children going to
schooling.
3. Women farmers are beset with different problems such as lack of
irrigation, materials, capital tools/technology; increasing cost of inputs;
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destruction of plants due to calamities, pest and diseases; and diminishing soil
fertility. With the onset of vegetable importation they are bequeathed with new
challenges that will further marginalize their situation as women farmers.
Trade liberalization, particularly WTO-AoA, has an indirect effect on the
production activities of women respondents and a direct effect on their income.
Due to limited income, it affects the purchasing power of the respondents in farm
inputs and their production as a whole since it limits their capacity to improve
farming activities. Their involvement in the production activities will eventually
affects their roles and status.
4. Although trying to solve their existing problem, the women farmers
have problems beyond their control. Most of the solutions employed are self-help
remedies.
Recommendation:
On the basis of the foregoing findings and conclusions, the following
recommendations are forwarded:
1. Since women farmers assume a major role as producers, the local and
national government should reconsider the plight of women farmers in the context
of vegetable importation particularly in the policy making. Having policies lead
that eventually prepares women farmers in facing the challenges brought by
121
vegetable importation. The government can prepare and help women farmers in
the form of the following;
a. With vegetable importation, the “name of the game today” is globalization,
one should play by the rule as to not to be eased out or left behind by the other
competitor involved, thus the government and non-government organizations
should look into packaging and marketing of local products.
b. The Government, spearheaded by the Department of Agriculture and
concerned institutions like farmers organization and women cooperatives, should
provide proper programs that will improve the condition of women farmers since
they carry multiple burdens. The programs can be in the forms of income-
generating or skills training or programs that will change the status of women in
agricultural production. Changing their status will bring comparative benefits that
will help them in line with the full implementation of trade liberalization.
c. The Department of Agriculture should sponsor seminars in relation to
WTO-AoA since many Benguet farmers are not aware of it. The Department of
Agriculture and non-government institutions that have the desire to uplift the
status of women farmers should sponsor trainings in relation to agricultural
production appropriate for women that will help equip their skills.
2. Research-related recommendations:
a. There should be further study about the implications of WTO - AoA in the
marketing level that look into the implication of vegetable importation.
122
b. Statistical researches on the effect of vegetable importation to women’s
status and roles shall also be important.
3. Training-education recommendation along:
a. Information-drive on GATT-AoA with special focus on vegetable
importation
b. Education on organizing a cooperative building tht focus on capital
sourcing and sharing
c. Information drive on marketing and networking building
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128
APPENDIX B
TOTAL INFLOW VOLUME (IN TONS) OF SELECTED HIGHLAND VEGETABLES IN BAGUIO IN
BAGUIO PER SOURCE (JANUARY-DECEMBER 2001)
MT.
LA
COMMODITY
BUGUIAS
ATOK
MANKAYAN
PROV
KIBUNGAN
BAKUN
TUBLAY
KAPANGAN
KABAYAN
TRINIDAD
TUBA
ITOGON
BOKOD
TOTAL
Cabbage
8799
5440
5480
3840
3927
3712
1661
2033
3120
1899
747
206
582
41446
Potatoes
6238
3398
4396
5124
3618
2991
1663
1449
1893
148
5
10
30933
C. Cabbage
5157
2525
3048
3495
2094
1912
1699
1193
1551
257
4
37
22
22994
Carrots
3630
2190
3133
3030
2207
2154
1062
1094
2172
1459
234
105
62
22532
Chayote
3427
2
2237
111
2860
2902
128
1380
1793
1579
341
17660
Beans
154
218
202
401
125
122
192
443
134
118
399
155
54
2717
TOTAL
23978
17198
16259
15208
14208
11002
9137
9114
8998
5261
3177
2087
1071 137382
%
17
12
12
11
10
8
7
7
7
4
2
2
1
100
APENDIX C
AREA PER BARANGAY IN ATOK
Barangay
Total Landholding (Has)
Area
Devoted
to
Agriculture (Has.)
Abiang
3,332.8679
597.9205
Caliking
2,902.9082
495.0723
Cattubo
2,063.2959
826.6715
Paoay
2,573.6494
803.4537
Poblacion
4,426.5159
567.296
Pasdong
2,534.6872
433.002
Topdac
2,442.4344
346.1736
Naguey
1,635.8274
218.6974
TOTAL
21,912.1863
4,288.2852
Source: Department of Agriculture, Atok
APPENDIX D
CROPS GROWN IN THE DIFFERENT BARANGAYS OF ATOK
CROPS
ABIANG
CALIKING
CATTUBO
PAOAY
POBLACION
PASDONG
TOPDAC
NAGUEY
Potato
Chayote
Cabbage
Cabbage
Rice
Rice
Chayote
Rice
Cabbage
Coffee
Potato
Potato
Chayote
Potato
Cabbage
Gabi
Major Crops Carrot
Carrots
Carrots
Gabi
Cabbage
Potatoes
Pipino
Rice
Radish
Radish
Beans
Tomatoes
Garden Pea
Bell Pepper
Pipino
Garden Pea
Potatoes
Celery
Celery
Cabbage
Beans
Garden Pea
Peanut
Beans
Bell Pepper
Garden Pea
Garden Pea
Otato
Garden Pea
Radish
Corn
Radish
Garden Pea
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Garden Pea
Minor Crops
Cabbage
Cabbage
Cabbage
Cabbage
Cabbage
Celery
Beans
Lettuce
Beans
Camote
Chayote
Beans
Chayote
Coffee
Chinese
Cauliflower
Lettuce
Onions
Carrots
Squash
Beans
Cabbage
Camote
Citrus
Broccoli
Coffee
Coffee
Camote
Bell Pepper
Onions
Chayote
Passion fruit Coffee
Cutflower
Passion fruit Gabi
Carrots
Coffee
Gabi
Cutflower
Banana
Corn
Passion fruit Pineapple
Corn
Citrus
Peanut
Coffee
Banana
Peanut
Banana
Star apple
Coffee
Citrus
Banana
Rice
Chinese
Lettuce
Corn
Onions
Broccoli
Tomatoes
cabbage
Passion fruit Camote
Chayote
Rice
Peanut
Radish
Onions
Onions
Citrus
Gabi
Citrus
Cauliflower
Onions
Pechay
Pechay
Bell Pepper
Spanish
Lettuce
Pechay
Broccoli
Bell pepper
Squash
Citrus
Pechay
tomato
Other Crops Star apple
Pechay
Onions
Bell pepper
Pipino
Water crest
Spanish
Water crest
Tomato
Sugar Cane
Onions
Beans
Tomatoes
Radish
Cassava
Cutflower
Squash
Pineapple
Gabi
Chayote
Carrots
Pineapple
Eggplant
Chesa
Camote
Pechay
Papaya
Cassava
Papaya
Banana
Squash
Sugar cane
Chesa
Squash
Papaya
Water crest
Jackfruit
Papaya
Water crest
Pineapple
Cassava
Spanish
Jackfruit
Tomato
Pechay
Passion fruit Pineapple
Star apple
Sugar cane
Cassava
Pechay
Papaya
Passion fruit
Spanish
Tomato
Cutflower
Water crest
Sugar cane
Chesa
Strawberry
Gabi
Jackfruit
Spanish
Spanish
Tomato
tomato
Strawberry
Tomatoes
Source: Department of Agriculture, Municipality of Atok
APPENDIX E
TOTAL PRODUCTION OF COMMODITY, PROVINCE OF BENGUET (1991-2001)
COMMODITY
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
Vegetables
Area planted (has)
32,557.63
35,553.35
32,200.49
33,518.00
26,603.40
31,503.05
Production (mt)
479,432.97
480,402.62
445,259.47
471,061.66
376,380.26
447,130.90
Productivity (mt/ha)
14.73
13.51
13.83
14.05
14.15
14.19
a. Leafy Vegetables
Area planted (has)
15,361.43
15,612.05
14,369.70
14,418.90
10,875.40
13,116.45
Production (mt)
243,625.17
337,522.30
204,306.52
224,355.95
157,089.25
193,002.85
Productivity (mt/ha)
15.86
21.62
14.22
14.55
14.44
14.71
a.1 Cabbage
Area planted 9has)
7,520.90
6,386.50
5,572.30
6,724.50
4,431.90
4,371.90
Production (mt)
136,831.60
113,628.60
101,043. 32
118,921.70
82,537.95
114,o24.40
Productivity (mt/ha)
18.19
17.79
18.13
17.68
18.88
18.90
a.2 Chinese Cabbage
Are planted (has)
5,173.20
4,690.00
4,554.60
4,721.00
2,517.00
2,763.50
Production (mt)
81,617.40
69,965.50
65,287.80
69,11.40
36,511.00
37,798.45
Productivity (mt/ha)
15.78
14.92
14.33
14.64
14.51
13.68
b. Fruit Vegetables
Area planted (has)
6,698.50
8,989.80
8,196.15
8,115.70
7,465.00
8,686.50
Production (mt)
69,496.60
86,896.72
91,231.30
95,062.61
80,199.11
99,369.95
Productivity (mt/ha)
10.37
9.67
11.13
11.71
10.74
11.44
b.1 Garden Pea
Area planted (has)
1,656.70
2,176.70
1,793.80
1,683.50
1,419.50
1,994.50
Production (mt)
6, 247.20
8,323.47
6, 532.70
6,248.40
5,319.70
8,855.25
Productivity (mt/ha)
3.77
3.82
3.64
3.71
3.75
4.44
c. Root Vegetables
Area planted (has)
10,497.70
10,951.50
9,634.64
9,983.40
8,263.00
9,745.10
Production (mt)
166,311.20
169,019.60
149,721.65
151,643.10
139,091.90
154,758.10
Productivity (mt/ha)
15.84
15.43
15.54
15.19
16.83
15.88
c.1 White Potato
Area planted (has)
7,868.80
8,611.00
7,525.39
8,199.00
6,197.00
7,043.00
Production (mt)
128,324.60
134,370.00
118,053.40
123,476.70
106,927.50
112,457.00
Productivity (mt/ha)
16.31
15.60
15.69
15.06
17.25
15.97
c.2 Carrots
Area planted (has)
2,352.50
1,886.50
1,813.30
1,603.00
1,742.50
2175.40
Production (mt)
34,442.50
29,496.50
28,286.40
26,024.40
28,034.40
36,140.70
Productivity (mt/ha)
14.64
15.64
15.60
16.23
16.09
16.61
c.3 Radish
Area planted (has)
155.40
412. 50
225.95
99.40
112.50
132.70
Production (mt)
1,741.60
4,591.60
2,497.85
1,168.00
1,350.00
1,451.40
Productivity (mt/ha)
11.21
11.13
11.05
11.75
12.00
10.94
COMMODITY
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
Vegetables
Area planted (has)
31,969.75
28,016.15
33,642.27
32,040.93
31,332.30
Production (mt)
465,680.91
412,229.88
537,134.64
513,899.77
445,422.49
Productivity (mt/ha)
14.57
14.71
16.05
16.03
14.22
a. Leafy Vegetables
Area planted (has)
13,551.55
10,876.20
15,103.57
14,364.18
12,797.15
Production (mt)
205,297.98
163,602.41
235,328.19
228,254.69
190,107.05
Productivity (my/ha)
15.15
15.04
15.58
15.89
14.86
a.1 Cabbage
Area planted 9has)
5,032.90
4,507.40
7,603,43
7,937.05
6,922.79
Production (mt)
102,104.20
89,014.00
141,115.27
149,380.30
119,413.53
Productivity (my/ha)
20.29
19.75
18.56
18.82
17.25
a.2 Chinese Cabbage
Are planted (has)
2,758.00
2,258.90
3,728.45
3,257.80
2,879.52
Production (mt)
43,980.50
34,866.00
59,011.10
49,181.55
43,631.28
Productivity (mt/ha)
15.95
15.43
15.83
15.10
15.15
b. Fruit Vegetables
Area planted (has)
8,903.50
7,774.5
7,490.86
5,509.99
4,935.62
Production (mt)
101,303.11
91,442.52
118,820.35
87,596.80
49,511.80
Productivity (mt/ha)
11.38
11.76
15.86
15.90
10.03
b.1 Garden Pea
Area planted (has)
2,051.50
1,643.00
1238.55
1,090.74
878.80
Production (mt)
8,794.61
6,613.40
4,987.03
4,633.04
3,574.20
Productivity (mt/ha)
4.29
4.03
4.03
4.25
4.07
c. Root Vegetables
Area planted (has)
9,513.70
9,365.90
10,867.84
12,166.76
13,599.53
Production (mt)
156,686.50
157,184.95
182,986.10
197,777.34
205,803.64
Productivity (mt/ha)
16.47
16.78
16.84
16.26
15.13
c.1 White Potato
Area planted (has)
6,726.00
5,703.40
8,156.96
8,565.25
10,031.83
Production (mt)
111,832.00
100,958.30
141,585.00
141,463.65
151,450.68
Productivity (mt/ha)
16.63
17.70
17.36
16.52
15.10
c.2 Carrots
Area planted (has)
2,341.70
2,909.50
1,540.18
1,604.15
1,590.64
Production (mt)
39,257.00
46,657.40
25,173.10
27,436.29
26,683.12
Productivity (mt/ha)
16.76
16.04
16.34
17.10
16.78
c.3 Radish
Area planted (has)
17.00
245.00
90.71
63.60
38.31
Production (mt)
2,005.50
2,555.25
1,108.00
1.034.40
549.32
Productivity (mt/ha)
11.33
10.43
12.21
16.26
14.34
Source: 2001 Commodity Data, Province of Benguet, Department of Agriculture
APPENDIX F
DIVISION OF LABOR IN AGRICULTURE BY CROP/LIVESTOCK, ACTIVITY AND SEX
Activity
Predominantly Female Adults
Predominantly Male Adults
CROP FARMING
Rice
Selecting and preserving seeds, transplanting/planting, Preparing land, preparing seedbeds, spraying chemicals and
(Camarines Sur, 1985 and 1994)
weeding, harvesting, nonmechanized threshing, selling the fertilizers, doing mechanized farm tasks, hauling and
harvest, and contracting hired workers
transporting palay from the field, repairing irrigation banks
and canals
Corn
Planting, applying fertilizer, weeding, harvesting, and selling Preparing land, bagging corn
(Bukidnon, 1993)
the produce in the market
Coconut
Weeding area around trees, gathering harvested nuts, slicing Harvesting, hauling nuts to copra shed, dehusking, extracting
(Camarines Norte, 1987; Quezon, copra meat, contracting buyers
fresh meat, smoking and drying copra, bagging
1993)
Sugarcane
Cutting and planting cane points, loading cane points in Clearing fields, weeding through sifting, raking, burning or
(Negros Occidental, 1993)
machines, applying fertilizer
transplanting, driving planting machine, repair and
maintenance of roads, drainage and irrigation canals; cutting
and hauling of canes
Cassava
Planting, harvesting, weeding, cutting the stalks, chopping Preparing land, bagging, contracting buyers
(Bukidnon, 1993)
tuber into chips and drying
Sweet potato
Washing, sorting, vending
Clearing and preparing land, pitting, collecting seedlings,
(Quezon 1993)
planting, applying fertilizer, mounding, weeding, harvesting,
gathering, hauling, packing, weighing
Fruit trees
Planting or establishing fruit trees, weeding, care of trees, Pruning, fertilizing, spraying of chemicals, smoking (mango),
(Quezon 1993)
contracting hired workers and/or buyers, selling fruits
picking fruits
CARE OF LIVESTOCK
Hogs
Feeding, preparing feeds, purchasing and selling stock
Bringing in water for the hogs, watering down and cleaning
(Camarines Sur 1994)
pigpens
Poultry
Purchasing commercial feeds and medicine, purchasing and
(mostly backyard broods)
trading stock, feeding, marketing
(Camarines Sur 1994)
CAPTURE FISHING
Processing fishery products (salting or smoking), vending Fishing, mending nets and boats, building and maintenance of
(QUEZON 1986)
fishery catch, financing spear fishers and other boatless fish corrals, selection of nets and fishing technology
fishermen
AGROFORESTRY
Vegetative contouring, tree planting, selling produce
Constructing rockwall, clearing land, cultivating and caring for
PRODUCTION
crops , transporting crop and forestry products to the market
(Cebu 1986)
Illo (1988) and updated during group interview (GI/L 1994)
IPC (1993b)
IPC (1993a) for Quezon; Illo and Veneracion (1988) for Camarines Norte
IPC (1993)
Velasco (1993)
Illo and Veneracion (1988)
Group interview conducted in Camarines Sur (March 1994) *GI/L 1994)
Illo and Polo (1990)
Rivas, Uy, and Borlagdan (1991)
Source: Illo (1995) as cited by Paunlagui (2002
APPENDIX G
Source: Based on the study of Tauli-Corpuz et al, 2006
APPENDIX H
POPULATION AND HOUSEHOLD DISTRIBUTION PER BARANGAY
Abiang
Caliking
Cattubo
Paoay
Pasdong
Poblacion
Naguey
Topdac
TOTAL
No. of
1,551
2,470
2,440
3,763
834
1,718
1,628
2,011
16,415
Population
No. of
330
498
476
713
172
386
305
379
3,259
Household
No. of Farming
293
438
409
620
151
332
268
329
2,840
Household
No. of Farmers
604
880
824
1,316
306
674
568
666
5,838
Source: Department of Agriculture, Sayangan, Atok
APPENDIX I
INVENTORY OF FARM EQUIPMENTS, TOOLS AND MACHINERY
SPECIFICATION
NUMBER
OWNERSHIP
STATUS
Work Animals
Carabao
7
Farm machinery
Tractor
13
Private and for hire
Functional
H2O pump
13
Private
Functional
Power Sprayer
43
Private
Functional
Equipment
Gardening Tools
500
Private
Vehicle
Jeep
427
Private
Truck
50
Private
Source: As of 2001, Barangay Paoay, BNRMP
APPENDIX J
AGRICULTURAL CHEMICALS APPLIED
Plant/Crop
Type of Pest and
Period of Occurrence
Fungicide or Insecticide Used/
Frequency of Application
Diseases
Farmer Strategies
Potato
Blight
Rainy Season
Dithane
2x a week/rainy
Koyus (BW)
Wet and Dry
Uproot
season
Cartp/Dimotrin
3-5 days
Yellow trapping
Interval
FP-sugar mixed with
demotria/cartrap
Cabbage
Clubroot
Wet and Dry
Crop rotation lime
1x a year
Leaf
Wet
Dithane/curzate
1x a week
spot/latek
Soft Root
Rainy Season
Dithane/Curzate
1x a week
DBM
Dry
Green level insecticides
Spray when necessary
Carrot
Cutworms
Furadan
Spray when
Diagran
necessary
Diadegma
Spray when
Green level insecticides
necessary
Karate
Sumiciden
Dithane/vondozeb
Chinese Cabbage
Club root
Lime
Before Planting
Soft Root
Dithane/vondozeb
(once)
Leaf Spot
Dithane
Vondozeb
Source: MAO, March 2000
APPENDIX K
CROP PRODUCTION (MAIN AGRICULTURAL CROPS PRODUCED)
YIELD/VOLUME
CROP
AREA PLANTED
(T/ha)
TOTAL
In hectares
1st Cropping
2nd Cropping
3rd Cropping
(Harvest)
Commercial Crops
Palay
1.709
2.2
1.2
7.519581
Sweet Potato
1.240
15
18.6
Gabi/Ubi
.381
10
3.81 kgs.
Legumes
Beans
1
12
10
121
Leafy Vegetables
Cabbage
900
20
17
3330t
Chinese Cabbage
13.00
20
17
260t
Celery
6
18
18
216t
Pechay
2
6
12t
Fruit Vegetables
Garden Pea
5
4
20t
Root Vegetables
White Potato
1000
13
10
23000
Carrot
500
20
10
150t
Radish
5
10
50t
Ornamentals
Chrysanthemum
2
800 bundles
1600 bundles
Siesta Daisy
6
1000 doz
6000 doz
Calla-lily
8
520 doz
4,160 doz
Source: MAO’s Office. As of 2000
APPENDIX L
WHOLESALE BUYING-PRICE FOR THE MONTH OF JANUARY (2006)
(La Trinidad Trading Post)
WEEKLY AVERAGE
Week 1
Week 2
Week 3
Week 4
(January 3-6)
(January 10-11)
(January 16-20)
(January 25-31)
Commodity
Low
High
Low
High
Low
High
Low
High
Beans –snap
6.00
6.00
13.50
15.50
14.25
16.25
14.00
21.67
Bellpepper-Baguio
California-green
45.00
47.50
35.00
37.50
20.67
25.00
29.00
31.00
Chinese-red
40.00
42.50
30.00
30.00
35.00
40.00
29.00
33.50
Bellpepper-Ilocos (Red)
47.50
47.50
35.00
35.00
40.00
40.00
Broccoli
3.73
5.75
7.50
10.00
7.67
10.00
8.50
12.00
Cabbage-Scorpio
12.50
13.00
9.50
10.50
13.00
14.25
8.33
10.33
Cabbage-rareball
10.75
12.00
9.25
10.00
10.50
12.15
7.33
8.5
Carrots
24.75
26.00
16.00
21.00
22.33
22.25
10.33
13.0
Cauliflower-Benguet
3.25
4.00
8.00
9.00
8.33
9.00
6.67
8.67
Cauliflower-Ilocos
5.00
5.00
8.00
8.00
5.50
5.50
Chayote
1.03
1.35
2.25
2.50
3.33
3.88
2.83
3.4
Celery
11.75
12.50
12.50
13.00
15.67
16.00
16.00
20.67
Chinese Cabbage
2.50
3.00
3.00
3.25
2.63
3.63
3.35
4.33
Cucumber
9.00
9.50
9.00
10.00
13.50
17.00
14.67
18.33
Garden Pea
Chinese
17.50
23.75
47.50
62.50
35.00
47.50
27.33
34.67
Lapad
12.50
15.00
22.50
27.50
19.33
27.50
15.00
18.00
Leeks
10.75
11.50
15.00
15.00
12.67
13.25
12.33
5.33
Lettuce
5.75
6.50
6.50
8.00
6.00
6.75
6.33
7.67
Potato-Super XL
13.25
15.00
17.50
19.50
16.00
18.75
19.83
22.0
Raddish
2.25
2.63
5.00
5.50
2.25
3.13
2.83
3.83
Tomato American (green)
8.75
9.00
9.50
10.50
15.67
17.25
8.33
12.0
Source: Department of Agriculture, 2006
APPENDIX M
Source: Based on the study of Tauli-Corpuz et al, 2006
APPENDIX N
Source: Based on the study of Tauli-Corpuz et al, 2006
APPENDIX A
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE
Selected Women Respondents
Englandad and Sayangan, Paoay,
Atok, Benguet
I. Socio-economic Profile
1. Name (optional) ___________________________________
2. Age: ____________________________________________
3. Number of Household members: ______________________
4. Number of Years in Farming: ________________________
5. Educational Attainment: ____________________________
6. Category:
____ Farmer-trader
____ Farmer –supplier
____ Farmer- owner
____ Por dia/oblante
7. Please check your estimated income per cropping in the following years
Estimated Income 2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
10,000 and below
10,001 – 15,000
15,001 – 20,000
20,001 - 25,000
25,001 – 30,000
30,001 – 35,000
35,001 – 40,000
40,001 – 45,000
45,001 – 50,000
50,001 and above
• Based on the above chart, what could be the possible reason/s for an
increase or decline of your income? Why?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
129
8. What are your other sources of income aside from farming?
____ weaving
____ embroidery/knitting
____ construction workers
____ laundry women
____ selling/vending
____ others (pls. specify)
9.Tenurial Status
____ owner-farmer
____ tenant
____ CLT Holder
____ using for free
____ share tenant
____ suppliers’ land
____ CADT applicant/holder
____ others (pls. specify)
10. Which of the following crops have you planted and are you planting at
present?
Y
E
E
R
Crops
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
Cabbage
Chinese cabbage
Potatoes
Carrots
Sayote
Beans
Peas
Cauliflower
Broccoli
Petchay
Others
(pls. specify)
• Aside from the above vegetables, what other commodities do you
plant? Why?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
130
• If you have shifted to the kinds of crop you planted, what are your
reasons for doing this?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
• Does it help you to uplift your income?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
11. Which of the following labor system are you adopting?
____ family endeavor
____ hired labor
____ bayanihan system
____ contract basis
____ combination of family and contract labor
____ others (pls. specify)
12. Which of the following describes your finance system?
____ individually/family financed
____ financed through loan
____ financed by friends/neighbor
____ financed by relatives
____ financed by middle men
____ others (pls, specify)
II. A. Which of the following is your role in the production of crops before and
after the implementation of the WTO-AoA?
Activities
Before the implementation of After the implementation of WTO-
WTO-AoA
AoA
Male
Female
Male
Female
Preparing the land
Planting
Applying
fertilizers/chemicals
Weeding
Plowing/Digging
Others (pls. specify)
131
II.B Which of the following describes your present status given the changing
situation in the vegetable industry?
Yes No
Reasons
Time
a. longer hour in working
Resources
b. limited time for the family
and household responsibility
c. limited leisure time
d. limited time to socialize with
other women
e. others (pls. specify)
Yes No
Reasons
Social
a. greater access to services
Services
• Credit and capital
• Production facilities like
irrigation /water supply
• Transportation
b. greater opportunities to own
land
c. highly limited to rent land
d. highly limited access to
agricultural cooperatives
d. others (pls. specify)
Yes No
Reasons
Material
a. highly limited income
Resources
b. highly limited saving
c. highly limited investment
d. highly limited accumulation
of new technologies
e. others (pls. specify)
Yes No
Reasons
Community a. highly limited in attending
trainings/seminars
Involvement b. highly limited time to attend
barangay meetings
c. highly limited access to
women organization
d. others (pls. specify)
III. A. Which are the following are the problems you have encountered at the
production level?
132
Problems
Yes
No
Since when What could be the
perceived causes
a. no water supply /irrigation
b. inadequate supply of
materials like seeds and
pesticides
c. inadequate capital
d. lack of technology/lack of
tools
e. high cost of inputs
f. destruction of plants due to
calamities and typhoons
g. pest/diseases
h. diminishing soil fertility
i. others (pls. specify)
• Compare your vegetable production five years ago from now?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
• Are there any changes you had observed or experience? Give examples of
these changes.
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
• What do you think are the causes of these changes?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
• What can you say about the prices of your inputs (like fertilizers, seeds) at
present?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
• What can you say about the issue of vegetable importation today?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
III.B. What are the solutions you have undertaken in coping with the problems
you have encountered?
Problems
Solutions
Since when
133
a. no water supply
/irrigation
b. inadequate supply of
materials like seeds and
pesticides
c. inadequate capital
d. lack of technology/lack
of tools
e. high cost of inputs
f. destruction of plants
due to calamities and
typhoons
g. pest/diseases
h. diminishing soil
fertility
i. others (pls. specify)
• In your own opinion, what should the government do to be able to help
the women farmers like you in line with vegetable importation?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
• At present, what are the programs/government laws that you know
being implemented?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
The researcher was born at the dawn of February 2, 1979. She is the fifth
child among the six children of Pedro Corpuz Jr. and Elena Corpuz. She was born
in Bauang, La Union but grew up in Baguio City, where she is presently residing
with her family.
She spent her elementary years in Bonifacio Elementary School; her high
school in Baguio City National High School. She pursued her college degree in
Benguet State University, where she graduated in the year 2000 with the degree
Bachelor of Secondary Education major in Social Studies.
From June 2001 to March 2005, she was employed in one of the private
schools in La Trinidad where she gained valuable experiences and lessons in life
that equip her with skills and additional knowledge to be a better teacher as she
continues to minister to students through the profession she had chosen.
After working in a private school, God had called her into a school
ministry through the Visionworks International Ministries Incorporated, an
organization that desire to reach the young of this generation with the love of
Jesus Christ.
CORPUZ, BEATRIZ R. April 2006. Implications of Vegetable Importation for the Roles
and Status of Women Farmers in Two Communities in Atok, Benguet. Benguet State University,
La Trinidad, Benguet.
Adviser: Ruth S. Batani, MA.SDS/MA. HSS
ABSTRACT
The study looked into the implications of vegetable importation to the roles and status of
women farmers in Sayangan and Englandad, Paoay, Atok.
With the use of semi-structured interview schedule and document review, the study
determined the socio-economic profile of the respondents; status of women respondents given
the changing situation in the vegetable industry, and identified the problems encountered by the
women farmers in the production level and heir solutions to these problems. It also determined
the change in the roles and status of these women respondents.
Sixteen women farmer respondents from sitios Sayangan and Englandad, Paoay, Atok
were selected in the basis of farmer-categories, willingness to be interviewed and residence in
the community.
Findings show that respondents fall into the old-age group, which means that they have
relatively long experience in farming. Most of the respondents are small owner-farmers who
largely depend on family labor and sometimes who resort to hired labor when family labor is not
enough.
The entry of imported vegetables have implications for the changing roles and status of
women in terms of access and control, time resources, access to services, material resources and
community involvement. The access and control over resources, however, depend on the
economic status of women, that is, women who farm at the same time do trading as well as who
own the farm and rent out other garden farms can access resources. On the other hand, women
who are daily-paid farmers (por dia) cannot access “other” sources of income.
Women farmers are beset with problems that are within and out of their control
nevertheless, these problems affect their status and roles as women farmers eventually their
economic productivity and development. With the onset of vegetable importation they are
bequeath with new challenges that will further marginalize their situation.
The solutions undertaken by the women farmers can help them survive their existing
status. But these solutions cannot prepare them face the challenges brought by the entry of
vegetable importation in the context of globalization. The implementation of WTO-AoA, women
farmers are caught off-guard.
The study pointed out the need to legislate policies that are gender sensitive, especially to
women farmers in the context of vegetable importation, and to provide them with agricultural
support services and appropriate measures to prepare women farmers in line with trade
liberalization.
Once again, the thesis which forwards that women, in terms of prolonged crisis are the
actual “coping mechanisms” has been proven in this study. There is therefore a need to conduct
researches (qualitative and quantitative as well as comparative) to be able to understand the
complexities of the effects of globalization to poor rural communities.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Bibliography……………………………………………………. i
Abstract ………………………………………………………... i
Table of Contents ………………………………………………. iv
INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………... 1
Background of the Study ………………………………….. 1
Statement of the Problem ………………………………….. 5
Objectives of the Study ……………………………………. 6
Importance of the Study …………………………………… 6
Scope and delimitation of the Study ………………………. 8
REVIEW OF LITERATURE …………………………………… 10
WTO-AoA ………………………………………………… 11
Women and Trade Liberalization …………………….......... 14
Import Liberalization
and the Agricultural Sector of Benguet…………………….. 19
Socio-Economic Profile ……………………………………. 23
Women’s Role and Status ………………………………….. 30
Problems Encountered by Women ………………………..... 34
Responses Employed at the Local Level …………………… 39
Conceptual Framework …………………………………….. 44
Definitions of Terms ………………………………………. 47
METHODOLOGY ……………………………………………… 51
Locale of the Study ………………………………………... 51
Respondents of the Study ………………………………….. 60
Instrumentation …………………………………………..... 60
Data Gathering …………………………………………….. 61
Statistical Treatment of Data ………………………………. 61
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ………………………………… 62
Socio-Economic profile of the Respondents ………………. 62
Women’s Role Before and After the
Implementation of WTO-AoA…………………………….. 89
Status of the Women Respondents ………………………… 93
Problems encountered by the Respondents ……………….. 107
Solutions Employed by the Respondents ………………….. 110
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS … 116
Summary ……………………………………………………. 116
Conclusions …………………………………………………. 118
Recommendations ………………………………………….. 120
LITERATURE CITED …………………………………………………. 123
APPENDICES …………………………………………………………... 128
A. Interview Schedule……………………………………………… 128
B. Total nflow Volume of Selected Highland Vegetable
in Baguio per Source …………………………………………..... 134
C. Area per Barangay in Atok ……………………………………… 135
D. Crops Grown in the Different Barangays in Atok ………………. 136
E. Total Production of Commodity,
Province of Benguet (1991-2001) ………………………………… 138
F. Division on Labor in Agriculture
By Crop/Livestock, Activity and Sex …………………………….. 142
G. Bar Graph Comparing Legal and
Illegal Importation of Assorted Vegetables, 2002 ………………. 144
H. Population and Household Distribution per Barangay.................... 145
I. Inventory of Farm Equipment, Tools and Machinery …………… 146
J. Agricultural Chemicals Being Applied ………………………….. 147
K. Crop Production …………………………………………………. 148
L. Wholesale-Buying Price
for the Month of January, 2006……………………………………. 149
M.
Line Graph Showing the Price Trend of
Cabbage Scorpio, 1993-2003 ……………………………………. 150
N.
Average Price Curve of Different
Vegetables for the Year 2002 ……………………………………. 151
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ………………………………………………. 152
INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
Eleven years after the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO),
international trade has never been the same again. The WTO was established
during the Uruguay Round in 1994; it set in a new world economic order,
characterized by a free flow of trade and investments taking place across national
boundaries.
What is new in WTO, compared to General Agreement on Tariff and
Trade (GATT), is that it brought agriculture production and trade under
multilateral trade regulations through WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA).
This brings agriculture production into a new epoch of trade liberalization.
Consequently, member countries including the Philippines agreed to launch a
more free and market-oriented agriculture trading system.
Along with the implementation of WTO-AoA, the World Bank-
International Monetary Fund enforced Structural Adjustment Program’s (SAP’s).
Debt-ridden countries like the Philippines have been making adjustments since
1980’s tailor-fitting it to this so-called, Structural Adjustment Program. Under
SAP’s, according to Madeley (2001), liberalization goes hand in hand with a
decline in government support for farmers. Governments withdraw and leave their
people to the free play of economic forces.
2
Integrated Set Information System (1995) defines the goals of SAP’s as
follows:
Structural adjustment measures are usually aimed at altering the
long-run growth dynamics of an economy… the usual structural
adjustment measures consist of allowing for greater “free-market”
operations, greater privatization, delicensing, introduction of uniform tax
and tariff structures, abolition of price and import controls, abolition of
subsidies and promotion of what has come to known as labor-market
flexibility, while the usual tools for stabilization consist of domestic credit
squeeze, curtailment of budgetary deficits, reduction in money supply, and
devaluation…
In short, both SAP’s and AoA will direct developing countries like the
Philippines to come up with major changes in their food and agriculture policy.
They are compelled to open up their economies to cheap food imports and to
reduce and severely limit support for their farmers (Madeley, 2001).
The translation of this AoA is seen in the vegetable industry in Benguet.
At the start of 2004 alone, Bureau of Agricultural Statistics (BAS) in CAR
reported figures that showed decline in the Cordillera’s production of major
vegetable crops that had to compete with large volume imports. It was reported
also by BAS that the production of cabbage fell by 51.5 percent, potato by 48.4
percent, carrots by 47.7percent and tomato by 34.5 percent beans fell nearly 47
percent and mongo by more than 64 percent (Skyland News, 2004).
APWLD Task force on Rural and Indigenous Women (2002) revealed that
in August 2002, hundreds of vegetables traders and farmers in Benguet lost
3
millions of pesos in earnings due to the importation of huge volumes of carrots,
cucumber, and cabbage and potatoes from China and Taiwan. The imported
vegetables flooded the Metro Manila market obstructing local products from
Benguet in reaching the market. Due to this situation, prices of the local
vegetables reached their lowest. This eventually resulted to losses and
displacement of Benguet farmers. For a period of over three weeks alone
(between July and August 2002) 107 traders and vegetable dealers at the trading
post reported a total loss of 3.5 million while some 380 workers at the trading post
were laid off. It was estimated that local farmers and traders lost at least P21
million in earnings within a week as a result of the importation of vegetables.
Atok, a municipality of Benguet, is one of the prime producers of
vegetables (Appendix B). Thus, like any other municipalities of Benguet, it is
likely to happen that the repercussion of vegetable importation is also felt in Atok.
Paoay, one of the eight barangays of Atok, has the largest area devoted to
agriculture (Appendix C). According to Paoay BNRMP, as of March 2001, 724
individuals are engaged in this activity. Moreover, the main products of the
barangay are commercial vegetable crops (Appendix D) and its major crops are
grown primarily for the market. With the full implementation of AoA, the main
livelihood of the people of Paoay is being threatened.
On the other hand, vegetable production is one of the Filipinos major
sources of income and food. Traditionally, agricultural production was very much
4
in the hands of women farmers who spent most of their time working in the field
to produce for their family’s consumption and other needs (Cariño, 2005). In
Cordillera alone, 60 percent of the tasks involved in subsistence agriculture are
performed by women (Tauli-Rovillos, 1999).
Women’s participation in agriculture cannot be undermined from past to
present, in fact, it is increasing. Food and Agriculture Organization (1998)
described this phenomenon as the feminization of agriculture, which can be
attributed to several factors like men migrating to cities to work. Women’s
contribution and participation vary depending on their country, the crop produce
and task they perform. According to FAO (1998) more than half of the world food
is produced by women. They play a very significant role in the production of
staple and secondary crop. Aside from performing multiple tasks in agricultural
production, women play various roles in life as well. But when impoverishment
and economic crises occur, women’s multiple burden becomes heavier, as they
have to provide not only for themselves but for those under their care (Wee and
Heyzer, 1995).
Though researches are insufficient, case studies show that globalization
may further push women farmers into poverty and further complicates their
existing problem as they assume their various roles in life. It is against this
background that this study was formulated to investigate the implications of
vegetable importation for the status and roles of women farmers in Sayangan and
5
Englandad, Paoay, municipality of Atok. This is timely as more than five years of
AoA implementation as shown in the vegetable importation would already surface
realities besetting indigenous women. The real situation on indigenous women in
relation to trade liberalization was looked with the aim to help in the policy
making that will uplift the condition of women farmers.
Statement of the Problem
This research aimed to find out the implications of vegetable importation
for the roles and status of women farmers in two sitios of Paoay, Atok: Englandad
and Sayangan. Specifically, the research sought to answer the following
questions:
1. What is the socio-economic profile of women farmers in Englandad and
Sayangan, Atok?
2. What is the present status and roles of women respondents given the
changing trends in the vegetable industry?
3. What are the problems encountered by the women farmers in the
production level?
4. What are the solutions women farmers undertake to cope with the
problems encountered in the production level?
Objectives of the Study
6
Primarily, the study aimed to determine the implications of vegetable
importation for the roles and status of women farmers. Specifically, the research
aimed:
1. To determine the socio-economic profile of women respondents in
terms of the following: age, number of household members, educational
attainment, number of years in farming, annual income, other sources of income,
land tenure, crops being planted, adopted labor system, and source of capital.
2. To describe the present status and role of women respondents given the
changing situation in the vegetable industry.
3. To identify the problems encountered by the respondents in the
production level.
4. To find out the solutions undertaken by women farmers in coping with
the problems encountered in the production level in relation to vegetable
importation.
Importance of the Study
Benguet is known for its vegetable industry. It is the Philippines chief
producer of temperate fruits and vegetable in Luzon for it is gifted with a
temperate climate suited for semi-temperate crops. Benguet province remains a
major source of semi-temperate vegetable. The supply of semi-temperate
vegetables supply comes mainly from Benguet. In fact it is also known as the
7
“Salad Bowl of the Philippines.” But with the problems besetting the industry
brought about by natural, internal and external forces at the production and
marketing level, the collapse of the vegetable industry is likely to happen and the
status of Benguet as the main producer of semi-temperate vegetables in the
country will be a thing of the past.
With the Philippines joining globalization like the rest of the world,
Benguet farmers specially women farmers are facing great challenges. In this
regard, it is essential to understand and be acquainted with the effect of vegetable
importation particularly on women involved in the vegetable industry in Paoay,
Atok.
The research can provide information on the socio-economic profile of
indigenous women in the study sites, which is normally absent in mainstream
statistics on the country’s profile. For the reader, an understanding of the
situation of women respondents in the context of vegetable importation will prove
helpful. In the same manner, this research also serves as an additional literature
along impacts of globalization to women. While there had been widespread
skepticism about vegetable importation there has still been limited scientific
researches done. Since it aims to reveal the impact of vegetable importation, the
findings shall help policy makers both local and national level, in deciding and
making laws and ordinances that will seek to address the situation of the
vegetable industry, farmers particularly the women respondents. The awareness
8
brought will aid other researchers and people to determine and understand their
plight.
Findings of this research will also serve as a steppingstone for other
future researches along gender or women in agriculture.
Lastly, for the researcher, this research will help her understand the effects
of trade liberalization on the aspect of agriculture and on women in agriculture.
Since the researcher is a teacher by profession, the practical knowledge gained
from this research will in many ways be of great use in the classroom setting.
Scope and Delimitation of the Study
The study primarily focused on the effects of vegetable importation with
women farmers as respondents. Respondents were delimited only to women
farmers who plant semi-temperate vegetables for sustenance and commercial
purposes.
The study was delimited to the socio-economic profile of the respondents,
their status and roles of women farmers in the production level, the problems they
encountered in production and the solutions they employed.
To acquire the needed data and information needed in this study, the
researcher used purposive sampling to identify the respondents. The following
were the criteria used: residence at Englandad and Sayangan; availability during
the time of interview; involvement in the vegetable industry for a minimum of at
9
least five years and representative of any of the following categories: farmer-
trader; farmer-supplier; owner-farmer and oblantes/por dia worker.
METHODOLOGY
Locale of the Study
This study covers barangay Paoay, one of the eight barangays of Atok. It
is comprised of six sitios. It is bounded on the south by Abiang, on the west by
Barangay Pasdong, on north by Barangay Cattubo and on the east by the
municipality of Kabayan (Figure 2). It was created out of the division of the
municipality of Atok into six barangays in 1956 under the leadership of Mayor
Asingco Moltio, and in accordance with Republic Act 3950, otherwise known as
the Revised Barrio Charter. Paoay was formerly a part of Barrio Abiang, one of
the original settlements in Atok (Paoay, BNRMP). It is located 50 kilometers
from Baguio City, 44 kilometers from the Benguet Provincial Capitol, and 35
kilometers from Barangay Poblacion. It is accessible via the Halsema Highway.
In the local dialect, “Paoay” refers to a barren flatland. This term was used
by the original settlers to describe their community. In the past, the community’s
land resources were largely left idle because of the virtual lack of irrigation.
Among the eight barangays of Atok, barangay Paoay is the second largest
in area devoted to agriculture next to Cattubo (Appendix C). But lands are not
maximally utilized according to Paoay Barangay Natural Resource Management
Plan (BNRMP). Even though a great area of Paoay is devoted to agriculture, most
of the farms are not irrigated, hence are planted only once a year. The
pasturelands are not also fully utilized. Forestlands have also been denuded
52
causing many water sources to dry up during the dry season. During the wet
season, occasional landslides occur.
Around 70.1 percent of the total land area of Paoay is being utilized for
agriculture, 15.1 percent is forest, and 11.2 percent is grassland. Only 3.6 percent
goes to residential lands, commercial, institutional, infra-utilities and idle land.
But at present Paoay is manifesting limited agricultural land.
People. Parangay Paoay has the biggest population in the municipality of
Atok (see Appendix H). Aside from this, it has also the biggest number of
household and number of farmers compared to other barangays.
As of year 2000, barangay Paoay has a total population of 4,320.
Barangay Paoay is consisting of six sitios. Distributed in the six sitios are 666
households. Among the sis sitios, sitio Sayangan has the highest number of
households (Paoay BNRMP). This can be attributed to its location since Sayangan
is along the national high way and accessibility to transportation has been the
pull-factor for settlers.
The people are mixture of Kankana-ey, Ilocano and Ibaloi. But the
majority of the households in Paoay speak in Kankana-ey as their mother tongue
(Paoay BNRMP).
It is apparent that there are lowlanders who have migrated into Paoay.
Cruz (1994) census reveals that most of those who migrated into Paoay came
from nearby barangays of Atok and municipalities of Benguet. The rest are
53
lowlanders mostly from Pangasinan and Ilocos. This explains why there are a lot
of Ilocanos in Paoay.
The least spoken language is English. It is the medium of communication
in one Filipino-German household.
Socio-economic situation. On the average, farmers plant from two to three
cropping of these crops per year, depending on water and labor availability. The
major crops being planted in Paoay are carrots, cabbages, potatoes and radish (see
Appendix D). Compared to the census done by Cruz in 1992, sweet peas was one
of the major crops of Paoay compared today, it is one of the minor crops being
planted now.
Besides vegetables crops, the farmers also produce ornamentals or
cutflowers such as calla lily, siesta daisy and chrysanthemum.
As of March 2001, there are 13 tractors, 12 water pumps and 43 power
sprayers present in Paoay. Tractors are used for land preparation in the vegetable
areas while carabaos are used to plow irrigated fields. These are privately owned
and are usually for hire. Jeepneys and truck are used in hauling vegetables from
the farm to the market.
Gardening tools is commonly used by the farmers in the barangay
(Appendix I). One negative effect of this is that work is slowly done and this is a
proof that farmers are still engage in subsistence farming even with the onset of
54
globalization. It is also evident that the farming practices in Paoay are done
manually though some are already mechanized. Manual activities include
planting, transplanting, crop care which includes fertilizer and weed management,
harvesting, hauling and storage of products. Water pumps and sprinkles are used
in water management while power sprayers are used in the control of pests and
diseases. Some also use small tractors in land preparation.
Organic and inorganic fertilizers are used in vegetable production.
Chicken manure is the most common organic fertilizer for basal application for all
kinds of vegetables and ornamental crops.
The farmers are very dependent on commercial farm inputs such as
inorganic fertilizers and pesticides. This data was confirmed in the census done by
Cruz (1994) and on the data presented by Paoay BNRMP. However, many of the
farmers could not afford to buy the necessary inputs because of their prohibitive
cost. Furthermore, because almost all of the farm activities are done manually, the
farmers also spend much time on farm labor.
Appendix J shows the agricultural chemicals being used by the farmers.
Since farmers rely heavily on chemicals, it is evident that both men and women
farmers are exposed to these harmful chemicals that is detrimental to their health.
Agricultural support. Table 3 shows the type of agricultural support
services present in the barangay.
55
Table 3. Type of agricultural support services
TYPE
LOCATION SERVICE # OF HH CONDITION
AREA
Irrigation
*Open canal Salat
250 has
500 Functional
* Hose sprinkler Ampilet-
3
5
Functional
*CIS/CIP Tuyongan
15 20 Functional
Tramlines
Functional
Post Harvest
Facilities
*MP Drying
Bonglo
10
35 Functional
Pavement
Englandad
15
35
*Loading
Lower 15 20
Platforms
Englandad
*Seed Potato Bonglo 30 20
Storage
Central 10 15
Namegpegan
82 47
Bosleng
10
15
Sayangan 15 17
Bonglo Liang
Nursery Kayang-
Bosleng
35
47
Source: Barangay Paoay BNRMP
The farmers use three types of irrigation facilities suchas hoses, sprinklers
and open canal. Hose and sprinklers are privately owned while the open canal
which is located at Bekes is communally owned. The open canal services an area
of 250 hectares with 500 household beneficiaries.
There are four tramlines in the area, all are owned by private individuals.
The only post-harvest facilities are the two multi-purpose drying pavements
56
(MPDP) located at Bonglo and Englandad. These two MPDP’s have a service
area of 25 hectares and used by 70 households to dry potato tubers before storage.
The only loading platform in the barangay is located at Lower Englandad.
This facility services approximately 15 hectares with 20 household beneficiaries.
Five seed potato storage (SPS) facilities are distributed in the five sitios
especially Bonglo, Central Bonglo, Namegpegan, Bosleng and Sayangan. The
only nursery is located at Kayang-Bosleng.
Social sector and infrastructure. The barangay has one district hospital and
three barangay health centers providing health services to the community.
Sayangan (Figure 3) is the center of commerce in Atok where majority of
the business establishments are located. Financial institutions that provide credit
to farmers for the purchase of farm inputs are located in their community.
Infrastructure facilities in the barangay include 21 barangay roads, one
municipal road, one national road, water systems and numerous foot trails and
footbridges. The three water systems used are gravity, water pump and deep well.
Aside from these, educational and health facilities also exist in the barangay.
However, the existing barangay access roads and most of the buildings need to be
repaired (Paoay BNRMP). The bad condition of the roads affects the flow of
transportation of goods, e.g. farm inputs and vegetable products, to and from the
barangay. In addition, most of the existing foot trails in the barangay, need to be
57
improved as they are potential hazards, especially during the rainy season when
they become slippery.
Most of the households, especially those in elevated areas do not have
potable water supply. On the other hand, out of the 666 total households, only 210
are energized. These are usually the houses situated very far from the BENECO
mainline.
Ecological sector. Of the barangay’s total land area, 1,578.39 hectares are
forestlands which constitute 65.45% of the total land area. This is followed by
agricultural and A&D lands which cover an area of 803.45 Only 26.119 has are
institutional lands.
Free patent is the only land tenure instrument issued to lot owners within
the alienable and disposable areas. With the implementation of Republic act 6657
(CARP) Law that prohibits further classification of land, most or 805 of the
residents who occupy the said area have availed of tax declarations. This is the
only proof of ownership they have for the lands they occupy at present.
58
Figure 2 Map showing the site of the study
59
Figure 3 Site of the study
60
Respondents of the Study
The respondents of this research were selected women farmers who are
involved in the vegetable industry in Englandad and Sayangan, Paoay, Atok.
Respondents who could provide the information needed were purposively
selected. The criteria for the selection of the respondents are the following:
1. residents of Englandad and Sayangan, Atok
2. availability during the time of interview, and
3. involvement in the vegetable industry for a minimum of at least 5 years as
either farmer-trader, farmer-supplier, farmer-operator, or an oblantes/por dia
worker.
Instrumentation
This is a descriptive research to determine effect of vegetable importation
to women involved in the vegetable industry as farmers in Englandad and
Sayangan.
To answer the specific problems of the study, data were gathered by face-
to-face interviews with the women farmers using a semi-structured interview
schedule as guide. The interview schedule was constructed based on the
objectives of the study. It composed of structured and unstructured questions. The
interviewer asks the questions and records the answer by taking notes and using a
61
tape recorder. To get the needed data, the interviewer asked follow-up questions
to clarify answers given by the respondents.
Document also forms part of the data gathering tool.
Data gathering procedure
Data needed and significant information was gathered by interviewing the
respondents. The interview schedule provided the questions used in facilitating
the interview. The researcher used dialects like Ilocano and Tagalog as media of
communication to facilitate the gathering of data.
In the interview, interviewer asks the questions as they are written in the
interview schedule and then records the respondent’s answer by writing them
down and by recording them with the use of a tape recorder.
In gathering other needed information, the Municipal Agriculture Office
was conferred.
Statistical treatment of data
Data collected based from interviews was tallied, tabulated and analyzed.
Percentages, frequencies and means were also used.
Percentage was used to determine the quantitative relation of the number
to the whole. Frequency was used to ascertain the rate of prevailing option which
most respondents selected as their answer. Qualitative data was content analyze.
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Globalization is not a new idea or occurrence. It aims to remove
protectionist policies to pave the way for a more market-free system in trade and
investments. At present, international financing institutes and multilateral trading
bodies like International Monetary Fund-World Bank, World Trade Organization
(WTO), and others are the main instruments used to carry its goals (Tauli-Corpuz,
1998). Member countries to these organizations ought to synchronize their
national laws and adhere to WTO standard and IMF-WB instructions.
Between the developed and developing countries, the impact of
globalization is more evident on the latter. Due to globalization, tariffs as well as
non-tariff barriers are slowly being removed. According to Panlasique (1992), as
quoted by Quitos (2000), with tariff as well as non-tariff barriers coming down,
the whole world becomes a potential market. Competition is expected to intensify
in the global market as a result of a much greater flow of export goods and
services produced in various production centers; in fact, anywhere in the globe.
The WTO, successor of General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT),
provides the skeleton in the conduct of international trade. Compared to the latter,
the former is wider in scope because it brought intellectual property rights,
investments, services and agriculture into the global arena as matters of
international trade (Shiva, 1995) which are not originally featured in GATT.
11
WTO – AoA
The Philippines is basically an agricultural country. Agriculture is one of
the major sources of livelihood of the Filipino people. It greatly contributes to the
development of the country. It is also considered as the prime mover in the
country’s economy. But like other sector, it is beset with several challenges that
may affect its role in the country’s development. Gunnar Myrdal, a Nobel
Laureate in economics stated:
It is in the agricultural sector that the battle for long-term economic
development will be won or lost.
Historically, agriculture had been mainly exempted from the discipline of
GATT. In 1980, the Philippines joined GATT, and the implementation of WTO –
Agreement on Agriculture (WTO-AoA) for developing countries like the
Philippines started in September 2000. With WTO agricultural policies, member
countries are becoming market-oriented. But prior to this, the government had
been implementing structural reforms in line with trade liberalization as mandated
by IMF. The country had also been imposing programs and policies that carry the
goals of trade liberalization due to its existing agreement with other countries
under trade regionalization.
The WTO-AoA pushes countries to produce agricultural exports rather
than food for subsistence. The creation of Medium-Term Agricultural
Development Programme in the Philippines (MTDAP) ensures that the
commitments of the government to the WTO are met. Under MTDAP, the lands
12
used for the production of crops for domestic food needs have been reduced
(Tauli-Corpuz, 1998).
As cited by Batani et al (2002), the AoA contains three main categories of
commitments as follows: conversion of all quantitative restrictions on agricultural
products into tariff, reduction of tariffs on agricultural products, reduction of
domestic subsidies, and reduction of export subsidy and the harmonization of
sanitary/phytosanitary measure.
AoA has many imbalances. Khor (2002) explained the effect of
agricultural subsidies in developed countries. Their farm production levels are
kept artificially high and their producers dispose of their surplus in other
countries. The surplus is often dumped on world markets at less than the
production cost of the exporting countries. Farmers in developing countries can
make losses in three ways: they lose export opportunities and revenues from
having their market access blocked in the developed countries using the subsidies;
they lose export opportunities in Third World countries, because the subsidizing
country is exporting to these countries at artificially low prices; and they lose their
market share in their own domestic market, or even lose their livelihoods, due to
the inflow of artificially cheap subsidized products.
Globalization can give opportunity for the farmers for a wider market, but
it also threatens their means of livelihood due to the flooding and unrestricted
entry of cheap and quality products to fluctuate and compete with the domestic
13
product of the country. Due to this, domestic food production is at risk as the
agricultural sector is placed in jeopardy, affecting Philippine development as a
whole. Soriano (2000) describes the country as a developing country that is
basically backward in agrarian economy with few economic enclaves.
Furthermore, in the countryside, farmers toil in the most backward conditions to
produce food and raw materials. With this situation at hand, it is unclear whether
family farms in their present form can survive with the full implementation of
trade liberalization.
Due to uncontrolled importation of vegetables, the country is now
considered a dumping ground of imported vegetables from other countries. This
condition has resulted in huge losses for the local vegetable farmers, dealers and
workers in the vegetable industry, particularly in Benguet (APWLD, 2002). Chair
Rafael Mariano of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas mentioned that in 1999
alone the country exported agricultural product amounting to U.S $ 1.76 billions
and importing amounting to not less than $2.87 billion. This situation signifies
that in the Philippines there is unfavorable balance of trade wherein the country is
not gaining, but is instead experiencing deficit in trade. He also mentioned that
under GATT-WTO-AoA, the government is putting the people in jeopardy by
making the Philippines highly dependent on imports of its staple food. However,
he said that the Philippines alone can sustain the domestic need of its people.
14
One cannot underestimate the significance and role of agriculture in the
country’s growth and development and the benefit it gives to the people as well.
According to Vivar et al (1998) the agricultural sector is a critical sector in the
economy which deserves a more serious attention from the government since it
provides the necessary human and natural resources that give potentials to
development.
Women and Trade Liberalization
Women are first hit in economic changes or changes brought by trade
because women are also directly and indirectly engaged in international trade and
their lives are affected by this activity in many different ways (Joekes and
Weston, 1994). Pineda-Ofreneo (1999), as cited by Batani et al. (2002), pointed
out that with globalization, risk and uncertainties especially to women is
unavoidable whereas Tauli-Corpuz (1998) stated that indigenous women, by
being indigenous and women are twice struck by globalization.
Due to globalization, indigenous women who are primarily involved in
agriculture are unable to produce the food needed by their families and hence fall
into the trap of commercialized agricultural production for export (Cariño, 2005).
With the challenges brought by globalization, women farmers perceive
WTO-Uruguay round as a threat more than as an opportunity (IWDS-WHO, 1994
as cited in Batani et al. 2002).
15
Trade liberalization does not only widen the gap between the rich and
poor. It also affects women in an agricultural country. Case studies suggest that
trade liberalization in agricultural economies can disadvantage women or benefit
them less than they do men, even when traditional export crop production
increases (Galdwin, 1991; and Fontana et al., 1998 as cited by Çağatay, 2001).
Taguiwalo (1998) cited also that majority of Filipino women are at a disadvantage
position under the regime of liberalization, deregulation and privatization. An
example of this is that when Filipino women are being eased out in the rural areas,
agricultural lands are converted into industrial enclaves or into tourist areas.
According to Çağatay (2001), the system of rules and agreements that
currently governs international trade is based on the widely accepted view that
expanding global trade is beneficial to all countries and their citizens. But case
studies show that trade liberalization in predominantly agricultural economies
may disadvantage women, compared to men, even when traditional export crop
product increase. The studies on Kenya, Ghana, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Mexico, and
the Philippines all show how trade liberalization is impacting heavily on women
and accentuating gender inequality. For instance, Too-Yego, as cited by Madeley,
(2001) found that in Kenya, as a result of the liberalization of agricultural trade,
many women cannot afford adequate chemicals and fertilizers, and that farm
output has declined.
16
Any appraisal on the impact of trade liberalization on women must not
only look on women’s paid employment opportunities, including wages and
working conditions but also on the unpaid care economy where women are
involved. Mendoza (1998), as cited by Paunlagui (2002), noted that a close tie
between farms and housework means that any disturbance in one area would have
profound effects on the other. Being the key player in the house and in the farms,
women feel the greater burden of any economic alteration.
Among indigenous peoples, Tauli-Corpuz (1998) summarized the impact
of globalization on indigenous women into the following words: the rights of
indigenous women to their ancestral lands further undermined; inability to
compete with imported crops; the erosion of control over genetic resources and
indigenous knowledge; threatened food security; destruction of indigenous
economic and increased outmigration; increasing economic insecurity among
indigenous women; erosion of small-scale home-based handicraft industries run
by indigenous women; worsening poverty; increasing incidents of sexual abuse
and violence against women; heavier unpaid women’s reproduction work; and
increasing social problems and family problems.
Çağatay (2001) stated that there are reasons to expect that trade
liberalization in predominantly agricultural economies may jeopardize women’s
livelihood and well-being owing to the gender division of labor and gender-based
differences. The impact of trade liberalization on gender inequalities specifically
17
women are as follows: first, the well-being of women and children may not
improve even in case where household income increases with increased
production for export. Second, import competition caused by trade liberalization
also leads to loss of employment for some women, depending on the sectoral
reallocation of work. Third, it also affects women’s unpaid labor time through its
impact on the environment. Women rely on the common property resources for
their livelihoods and are also responsible for the collection of water and fuel wood
from such sources. If trade liberalization results in environment degradation and a
reduction of biodiversity, women will have to devote more time to this task.
Lastly, trade liberalization is typically accompanied by reductions in government
spending and increased privatization of services, including health care, obliging
women to take care of these responsibilities and/or forego services.
Furthermore, Çağatay stated that feminist economists and social scientists
have long observed that an increase in women’s labor-force participation is not
accompanied by a commensurate reduction in their unpaid domestic labor, as men
have been reluctant to pick up the slack, resulting in the so-called “double day”
for women. Two consequences can be seen with the increase in women’s paid
employment: either the provision of care is squeezed and/or women’s leisure time
is reduced.
In the study of Bangladesh, for example, Fontana and Wood (2000), as
cited by Çağatay, found that the expansion of women’s paid employment has
18
been accompanied by a reduction in their leisure time while the 1999 Human
Development Report ties intensification of global trade competition to a squeeze
in the provision of care.
Paunlagui (2002) on the other hand mentioned that the rural poor and
women are bearing a large part of the brunt of the economic crisis. With the
drying up of remittances from city-based family members, women cut their
expenses and often have to produce the goods and services in the market. In
addition, Illo (2002) cited that by feeding the unemployed from their produce and
earnings, women provide the safety net for the unemployed family members.
Some of the effects of the economic crisis on women in the agricultural
sector and in rural areas are as follows (Paunlagui, 2002): lower profitability of
agricultural production; strong pressure on women to earn cash income; further
inequality in wages; and deteriorating health and physical condition of women
and children.
With the decline in real income and the increasing cost of living, there is a
strong pressure on women to supplement the income of the family. Low profits
compelled women with small farms to seek other augmenting activities to cope
with life and supply the basic needs of the family.
Working women have long carried multiple burdens. Before going to
work and upon coming home, they cook and wash and iron clothes, clean the
house, and take care of the children. The bulk of responsibility lies with the
19
women though husband and children of working mothers share in these activities.
Coupled with the deteriorating food, the health and physiological condition of
mothers are at greater risk. Limited income has led to the adoption of various
ways of meeting the family needs.
Import Liberalization and
the Agricultural Sector of Benguet
The full implementation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) under the World Trade Organization really threatened the vegetable
industry of Cordillera. Due to Philippines membership in the WTO-Aoa, the
country’s food security was sacrificed for export-promising crops. It is also feared
that because of the entry of imported vegetable, the once-lucrative Cordillera
vegetable farming will be a thing of the past.
The country’s membership with the WTO has caused more than 50,000
garlic and onion farmers in the Ilocos and Central Luzon regions to be jobless.
Almost an equal number of corn growers in Mindanao are clueless as to where to
sell their crops and thousands of hectares of prime agricultural lands in the
southern Tagalog region are being transformed into industrial states (Skyland
News, 2004).
In the Cordillera the entry of imported vegetables has been a source of
economic insecurity. Appendix E shows the total production of commodity in the
province of Benguet from 1991 to 2001. It can be observed that there is a
20
tremendous decrease of the volume of production in vegetables from 2000 to
2001.
High value crops such as carrot, potato, asparagus, broccoli, cabbage,
green onion, garden pea, lettuce, radish and cauliflower have always occupied the
top priority list in the country’s agriculture department. Yet with the liberalization
policy, even the Department of Agriculture admitted that the same high value
crops (potato, garlic, onion, and cabbage) are considered as threatened crops
under this policy (Tauli-Corpuz, Maza and Batani, 2005).
According to the Department of Agriculture (DA) Secretary Leonardo
Montemayor of the Bureau of Plant Industry (BPI) has permitted the importation
of vegetables on a limited scale. For the first six months of the year 2002, the BPI
permitted the importation of 302,000 kilos of dried carrots, 3,346 kilos of which
came from Australia. For the months of July and August, 5,758 kilos of assorted
vegetables from Taiwan, Australia and China were allowed into the country. The
DA has also allowed the importation of diced vegetables from Australia, Holland
and the United States for use in top hotel establishments. In addition, according to
Tauli-Corpuz et al, (2005) the Philippines is importing around 40 kinds of
fresh/chilled/diced vegetables and about 16 of these are vegetables produced in
the Cordillera region particularly Benguet Province. Table 1 presents the list of
imported vegetables
21
Based on Table 1, it is apparent that the volume of importations is
enormous and far exceeds the total production of local producers. This condition
means that there will be a stiff competition between the local vegetables and the
imported ones because of globalization and market liberalization due to GATT.
Table 1. Philippine Fresh Vegetable Imports, 2001-2002 (volume in kilograms;
value in CIF$)
COMMODITY 2002 2001 % GROWTH RATE
FRESH/CHILLED Volume Value Volume Value Volume Value
Onions, in quota 6,602,175 987,655 16,476,168 2,472,994 (59.9) (60.1)
Other vegetables 1,814,076 454,953 129,579 132,296 1,300.0 243.9
n.e.s.
Cauliflowers & 609,724 213,556 309,590 222,168 96.9 (3.9)
Headed broccoli
Lettuce, other than 215,333 201,034 369,197 453,179 (41.7) (55.6)
Sub-item 0545401
Cabbage lettuce 171,186 108,030 84,917 79,515 101.6 35.9
(head lettuce)
Cabbage,
69,422 18,199 35,742 6,908 94.2 163.4
In quota
Onion, out-quota 50,000 5,861 1,163,750 138,704 (95.7) (95.8)
Asparagus 3,030 1,349 8,093 5,852 (62.6) (76.9)
Radishes 2,998 2,241 3,831 4,486 (21.7) (50.0)
Spinach, New Zealand 2,647 1,463 1,074 7,948 146.5 (81.6)
Spinach and orache
(garden spinach)
Beans (vigna spp., 1,579 2,214 1,617 22,772 (2.4) (90.3)
Phaseolus spp.)
Source: Based on the study of Tauli-Corpuz et al, 2005
Aside from the legally imported vegetables that threaten the local market,
another rising problem is the intrusion of illegal or smuggled vegetables. Due to
the entry of smuggled vegetables, prices of carrots dropped to P6 as of July 3,
2002 at the La Trinidad Trading Post, from a previous price of P28 per kilo. The
22
average daily volume of vegetables assigned through the Trading Post is
estimated at 80 tons per day with a value of 1.2 million. From the Trading Post,
the vegetables are trucked to Metro Manila and to other markets. A dealer from
Natubleng, Benguet attested that because of the importation of carrots, dealers’
sale fell to 3 tons per day from a previous 10 tons per day, 50-70 ton drop in
weekly sales. She revealed that her former customers from Bicol and Iloilo
stopped buying her carrots. Though the DA had taken necessary action, still
illegally imported vegetables continue to flow in from other ports of entry outside
Manila.
In La Trinidad, the capital town of Benguet that also grows semi-tropical
vegetables, the town mayor, Nestor Fongwan, issued an EO-02-2004 last July 12,
2004. This executive order prohibits the wholesale, retail and packaging of
smuggled and/or illegally imported fresh vegetables at the La Trinidad Trading
Post and in the public market.
The fight against legal or illegal entry of imported vegetables had not yet
come to an end when the issue of the Bilateral Quarantine Agreement between
China and Philippines triggered the situation. This agreement opens the doors for
liberalized trade which includes the trade of fresh fruits and vegetables including
carrots. The agreement also formalized the existing trade of fresh fruits and
vegetables between the two countries such as banana, mango, papaya and fresh
young coconut to Chinese markets and apples, oranges, lychees, longans, pears,
23
onions, garlic and chestnuts to Philippine markets. Included in the agreement as
appendices are the formal protocols for the opening of Chinese market to
Philippines fresh pineapple and Chinese carrots to the Philippine market. It is
said that the agreement is an outrage to the threatened vegetable industry of the
country, most especially to the carrot producers of Benguet because the signing
would eventually kill the said industry.
It is apparent that prior to this agreement, the carrot producers of Benguet
and other vegetable farmers have already suffered untold losses due to the influx
into the country of carrots and other vegetables mostly through smuggling. The
intrusion of smuggled vegetables would eventually kill the vegetable industry of
Benguet.
Socio-economic Profile
Agriculture continues to provide substantial employment to women even
though there are employment opportunities in the industrial and service sector of
the Philippine economy. Size of the family, civil status, education and family
income are several factors that were found significantly affect the women’s
participation in economic activity as reported by some researches while others
claimed otherwise.
24
In most societies women are likely to work longer hours than men, have
lower earnings, education, wealth and less access to credit, information and
knowledge (Çağatay, 2001).
Income
People work to gain income to support the needs of their family. Income,
on the other hand, affects the status of women. Women receive, on the average,
lower wages compared to men (Paunlagui, 2002).
In rural households, the husband is the principal provider of income for
45.3 percent of the cases. The wife is a contributing source of income for 43.8
percent of the households. The National Demographic Survey (1973) reported
that 92 percent of rural housewives earned less than P1, 000 as cash income in
1972. Among those who received non-cash income, 51 percent received less than
P500 and 12.4 percent received an equivalent of P500 – P3, 999. The contribution
of rural women to household income may therefore be considered significant.
Mandac (1984 cited in Wongsuwan, 2004) explained that low income
levels associated with low farm productivity limit the capability of farm
households to invest in modern farm inputs such as fertilizers, insecticides and
herbicides. Wongsuwan (2004) found that socio-economic characteristics such as
educational attainment, experience in seed growing and farm size do not
significantly relate to the productivity of seed growers. However, the experience
25
Table 2. Current mean income of families in Benguet and families whose main
income comes from agriculture
1991
1994
1997
2000
Benguet
62,471
85,496
108,277
139,918
Benguetr Agri
59,143
62,301
60,309
67,267
BA/B
94.67
72.87
55.70
48.08
Source: Villanueva & Ylanan, 2003. The Developmet of Vegetable Farming in Benguet (1991-
2001)
in rice farming and annual income significantly relate to the productivity of the
respondents.
A study conducted in 2003, revealed that the mean income of Benguet
families depending for their livelihood on agriculture increased from 1991 to
1994 by 3,158 or 5.4 percent. However, a decrease in mean income by 3.2 present
was recorded in 1997. This event coincides with the Asian financial crisis that did
not spare the Philippines. In 2000, mean income of farming families improved
with an increase of 11.54 percent or equivalent to 6,957. However, despite the
increase in the value of mean income of families depending for their livelihood on
agriculture, its proportion over the mean income of Benguet families as a whole
has been decreasing. This disappointing result may be explained by the growth in
the income of families whose sources of income come from non-agricultural
activities. Apparently in Benguet, the income from other sources, such as industry
and services, is increasing faster than that from agriculture (Villanueva and
Ylanan, 2003).
26
Other Sources of Income
Due to economic problems faced by the Filipino family brought about by
internal and external factors, the income of the husband is not sufficient to meet
the needs of the family; women are engaged in various income-augmenting
activities that are usually outside the formal economic structure.
Licuanan, the chairperson of the National Commission on Women (cited
in Illo, 1991) stated that employment is not necessary for a Filipino woman
because it is considered a man’s domain but because of necessity, as a secondary
breadwinner for additional income, the Filipino women had to work.
Among indigenous communities, the indigenous woman usually augment
her income by other productive activities aside from such as foraging, fishing and
handicrafts like weaving, knitting, basketry and embroidery (Cariño, 2005).
Furthermore Paunlagui (2002) mentioned that women are also engaged in wage
labor and that with the decline of real income and the increasing cost of living,
there is a strong pressure on women to supplement the income of the family by,
for instance, planting cash crops. Low profits from rice production compelled
women with small farm lots to seek work in neighboring farms. Also, many
women in their area have turned to retailing and washing clothes to earn
additional income for their children’s education and other household needs.
Tauli-Corpuz (1998), on the other hand, stated that women are the ones
who get into the full range of economic activities in the informal economy more
27
than men. This range of economic activities include entering as domestic helpers,
accepting laundering of clothes, rearing domestic animals for sale, vending of
vegetables, fruits, fish and others. Furthermore since some women are located in
communities near industrial sector, they are also the ones who accept the
subcontractual jobs like crocheting, embroidery, placing buttons on garments,
making paper maches, ceramics, and other side activities like washing the bottles
for soft drinks corporation.
Batani et al, (2002) disclosed that Cordillera women in the interior area
have also been noted to seek work outside their villages. They are now found in
the vegetable farms of Benguet, where they sell their labor to farmer operators, or
wash carrots or package vegetables at the trading post.
Tenurial Status
Most women do not own the land they till. If they do, their plots are
invariably small, dispersed, remote and less fertile compared to the farm plots
owned by men. Women who do not own the land they till are less inclined to
invest precious time and scarce resources in long-term land improvements such as
irrigation or drainage systems, terracing, tree planting and other activities that
maintain soil fertility. On the other hand, women who do not own the farm land
are usually denied access to agricultural support services such as credit for
purchasing inputs, training in land and water development and water supplies for
28
irrigation (FAO, 1998). Tauli-Corpuz (1998) stated that the majority of
indigenous women in Asia-Pacific are still small owner- tillers engaged in
subsistence agriculture. Unfortunately, subsistence farming no place in the
globalization agenda of agriculture.
Uddin (1988) as cited by Wongsuwan (2004) reported that tenurial status
had a significant but negative relationship with productivity and that tenants
produced more yields than the other groups of farmers because farming was their
only source of income; therefore they tried their best to produce more in their
limited land.
Land tenure in the province of Benguet is characterized by relatively small
land areas and less than a hectare per farming household. There is a very limited
income that can be derived from the cultivation of small parcels of land and that is
not even enough to support the basic requirements of the farmers for subsistence
(Beguet Province Main Report, 2003). In addition, Batani et al, (2002) revealed
the conditions of women potato farmers in Paoay, Atok. Based on the study, most
women farmers are small owner tillers, and the majority of them cultivate less
than a hectare.
29
Production System
Boquiren’s (1989) study revealed that the production system of vegetable
growers in Benguet is characterized by the following:
1. labor in the vegetable farm is supplied by family members and other
relatives hired through existing farm of cooperatives/exchange labor within the
community,
2. small and medium scale farms rely primarily on family labor while
large scale farms use hired labor such as wage workers or oblantes, who
constitute the work place in Benguet commercial agriculture.
Oblantes are classified as contract workers and por dia workers. Contract
workers are those who are hired on the basis of an agreement to accomplish
activities with an agreed period of time for specific fee while por dia workers are
those who are hired on an emergency daily basis usually during harvest and post-
harvest activities.
In addition, large-scale farms use family labor and exchange labor. Under
family labor, family workers do not receive remuneration in cash for daily work
on the farm since activity is construed as household enterprise. The practice of
exchange labor persists in the community to provide labor assistance among
members of the group.
This grouping of Boquiren is also appropriate and was used to illustrate
the production system being adopted by the women farmers in Paoay, Atok.
30
Women’s Role and Status
For most Filipino farmers, their outlook with agriculture is not merely a
source of income or occupation but it is a way of life. Their life and activities is
shaped and being shaped by it. To be able to accurately describe women condition
in the context of trade liberalization played during economic crisis, it is important
that the roles of women on the farm and in household should be considered. These
roles describe the real status of women.
Status is not a homogenous characteristic capable of simple measurement
(Lootfi, 1982 as cited by Chavez, 1998) and defining women’s status roles and
status is tough since according to Karl (1996), gender roles are not static and it
change overtime. Today, and especially over the last century, there have been
considered radical changes in the types of work that have been considered
typically women’s or men’s job.
Stafilios-Rothschild (1985), as stated by Chavez (1998), pointed out that
women’s status can be conceptualized at two levels: micro level and macro level.
The former refers to women’s status in the household while the latter refers to
women’s status in the society. Dixon (1978 as cited in Chavez, 1998) defines
women’s status as:
Women’s status is the degree of women’s access to and control
over material resources (including food, income, land and other form of
wealth) to social resources (including knowledge, power and prestige)
within the family, community and society at large.
31
Dixon posited that women’s control of productive resources and their
involvement in certain economic sectors are important dimensions of status. But
they are conditioned to think of themselves as housewives rather than as farmers
or agricultural workers. This notion can be attributed several reasons: the society
was conditioned and is still conditioned that when one speaks about farmers many
people refer to men and this reference was accepted by women farmers. Second,
it is because men and men’s perspective are still the norm while women and
women’s perspective are often not taken into consideration, as stressed by Karl
(1996). Lastly, women had already accepted this concept.
On the roles women play, literature has shown that in the agricultural
sector women are visible from production to post production activities. This was
ascertained by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) Summary Report,
which underscored the importance and need for the intensification of the
participation and role of women in development. It pointed out that in developing
countries; women play an important role especially in agricultural production and
rural life. There is differentiation of roles in various farm activities among males
and females, but women play important roles in agricultural production as well.
The study of Loza gave a concrete example. Loza (1998 as cited in Dulos, 2003)
found in her study that women were greatly involved in pineapple production and
post-harvest operations. Productive activities include those that do not require
much physical effort like procuring planting materials, clearing, furrowing,
32
planting, fertilizer application and harvesting. Post-harvest operations actively
participated by women were on transporting, sorting, marketing and processing of
produced products. However, women were regarded to have a limited access to
and control of resources.
Toquero (1999) summarized women’s role in most societies into three
categories:
1. Productive – relating to production of goods for consumption or income
through work in out outside the home
2. Reproductive – relating to domestic or household tasks associated with
caring and sustaining children and family
3. Community Organization – relating to tasks and responsibilities carried
out for the benefit of the community.
Based on the foregoing information, women, indeed, have multiple tasks
to assume. Women, therefore, need to balance these tasks so as not to create a
bigger problem. In carrying out their multiple roles from family to community,
women usually do not generally receive an income.
According to Paunlagui (2002), women in the agricultural sector are
heavily involved as unpaid family workers in agriculture and are about three times
higher than that of men. But since much of women’s agricultural activities are
usually interspersed with their reproductive tasks, their work is often not
considered productive by other household members, including the women
33
themselves. In most cases, only activities that are remunerated are considered as
women’s work. Hence, women economic contribution to the welfare of the
household is often understated.
Appendix F presents the labor in agriculture by crop/livestock, activity
and sex. It shows that women are actively involved in the agriculture doing simple
to complex work on the farm.
In the family, each member is given roles to assume. The man is
considered the head, the guardian, the breadwinner, and protector, while the
mother is the keeper of the house, the treasurer, and manager of domestic affairs.
But in a garden production, according to Wiber (1984), the men clear the field,
turn the soil, and apply chemicals. The women, on the other hand, cultivate the
soil, plant the weed and harvest. Wiber concluded that there is a general tendency
for men to manage the commercial production of vegetables. However, as men
leave their rural homes to look for other sources of income, the role of women in
agricultural production becomes increasingly dominant, that is, the management
of commercial farms is no longer the domain of men, but women as well (Batani
et al, 2002).
34
Problems Encountered By Women
at the Production Level
Benguet Province continues to be predominantly an agricultural economy
with vegetable industry taking the lead role. However, with the present situation,
it is being beset with challenges which should be given top priority.
At present, according to the Benguet Province main report (2003), the
vegetable in Benguet is deteriorating because of the existing problems such as
high cost of production, allegedly high chemical residue of vegetables, unstable
prices, poor quality and uncoordinated marketing practices.
Small farmers, both men and women, are confronted with many
constraints on their agricultural production. Women farmers, however, face
additional and/or more severe constraints that pose serious difficulties for the
achievement of food security. Karl (1996) identified seven constraints on women
in agricultural production as follows:
• Assumption about farmers being men. Despite evidence to the contrary,
many development policy and decision makers still assume that men are still the
principal farmers. The needs and perspectives of women farmers are, therefore,
not given sufficient consideration in policies, programs and projects.
• Directing development policies and programs at cash crop export-oriented
production rather than food production for domestic consumption. The
predominant development model emphasizing cash crop production for export is
35
detrimental to food production for household, community and national
consumption and for food security.
• Discriminatory legislation. Women farmers face discriminatory laws on
land rights, agrarian reform and membership cooperatives. Women have benefited
little from agrarian reform programs which frequently restrict land title and
membership in cooperatives to men or male heads of households. Without secure
land tenure or membership in cooperatives, women lack the collateral for loans
and access to agricultural resources.
• Lack of access to agricultural resources. In addition to lack of access to
credit, land and membership in agricultural cooperative and associations, women
have less access than men to other agricultural inputs and to extension and
training which are still mainly directed to men, ignoring the needs of women
farmers. Even where legislation does not limit women’s right to land titles and
membership in cooperatives, tradition often does.
• Agricultural research misorientation. The emphasis on cash crops and on
male farmers has also resulted in agricultural research being directed at the crops
that men grow while the crops that women are responsible for are neglected.
• Environmental degradation. Environmental degradation increases the
work load of women who have to walk farther and farther to collect fuel wood
and water and who have lost, with the loss of forest, the source of many food
items, medicinal products and products used in the household.
36
• Globalization and trade liberalization. . With globalization, the recognition
and value of women’s key roles in food security are further downplayed and
degraded. Trade liberalization is displacing women from production. In addition,
globalization of production, although to a large extent based on women’s labor,
has not brought commensurate benefits; on the contrary, and that in the
developing countries like Philippines, working women have been particularly hit
by the debt crisis and structural adjustment measures.
Even when women function effectively as heads of their household, they
are often denied full legal status. Women therefore have no access to credit and
capital required to increase productions. Farmers need short-term credit to buy
improved seeds, fertilizers, insecticides and herbicides and to hire farm laborers to
work the fields and help with post-harvest operations. They need long–term credit
to invest in more efficient technologies–irrigation, labor-saving tools, implements
and transport–and to set up new enterprises if conditions are favorable. Rural
women’s limited access to financial services therefore thwarts their efforts to
improve or expand their farm activities so as to earn cash (FAO, 1998).
Valmayor (1998) enumerated some constraints in vegetable production as
follows: seasonability that includes the typhoons, heavy rainfalls, high incidence
of pest and diseases; unavailability of high-quality seeds, poor implementation of
insect and disease; high marketing cost; high perishability of vegetables, the
37
absence of grading standards, improper handling and packaging and the lack of
storage and transportation pose great problems in production.
These problems agree with Aquino’s (1991) listing of some major
problems about the farming system of Region 1 and the Cordillera Administrative
Region (CAR) that include lack of technology, lack of capital and finance for
projects and activities, and destruction caused by environmental conditions in
relation to adaptation while Kranz (1976) stated that commercial vegetable
production usually requires large capital and heavy labor inputs, refined skill and
good marketing facilities.
Flamiano (1988) explicated that the problems of high inputs costs and
limited sources of credit are endemic to vegetable production, and that in the
Buguias case, Flamiano identified three major problems of Buguias farmers
namely: fluctuating prices that is often brought on by periodic over production of
specific vegetables and irrigation crop damage and road closure due to typhoons;
inadequate infrastructure which hits the farmers the hardest and financial
conditions. These problems are aggravated by the dominance of traders who do
not only set the prices, but also, become the sole sources of seeds and other
inputs, as well as production loans to farmers.
In Benguet, credit services such as banks are available though they could
not be readily availed of due to some factors such as collaterals, high interest
rates, improper information and attitudes of co-farmers. Farmers are sometimes
38
not informed of any loaning agencies due to lack of communications/information,
inaccessibility/rugged, and most often farmers who are well informed do not
disseminate the information. In some vegetable areas, supplier-financiers offer
credit solely for crop production. Normally, credit is provided in kind, especially
in the form of inputs such as seeds, fertilizers and pesticides. The supplier
controls market transactions particularly prices thus, assuring the farmer of supply
and credit payment.
The problems faced by the farmers had been confirmed in an assessment
study by the Department of Agriculture Cordillera (1992). Interestingly, the study
also revealed the following: land use constraints and climate disturbances; the
committing of large tracts of land as protected areas; and lack of tenure among
occupants of ancestral lands.
Aside from the existing problems brought by internal and natural factors,
one of the major problems Benguet farmers are facing is the intrusion of
vegetable importation due to the free trade system advocated by GATT-WTO.
Trade liberalization means more imports that will eventually leads to the
destruction of the local vegetable industry and the country’s agricultural sector as
a whole. On the other hand, trade liberalization had already affected the life of the
Filipino farmers who are considered as the backbone of the economy since the
majority of the Filipino people are engaged in the agricultural sector. The effect
39
brought by trade liberalization was described by Mankayan mayor, Manalo
Galuten (2004):
Idi awan ti importation, adu ti farmers ditoy ayan me nga agpa-
Manila tapno gumtang ti elf da, santu adu ti agpapintas ken agpaaramid ti
balballay da nga simento. Tatta ket nganngani awan payen ti pagpa-adal
da (Before imported vegetable came, farmers in our town used to go to
Manila to buy elf truck and most of them renovated and built new houses
with cement, but today, some of the farmers can no longer send their
children to a school)
The experience of Mankayan farmers will likely happen to Benguet
farmers if vegetable importation will not be put to halt. Worse, it can lead local
producers to resort to illegal means of livelihood such as the planting of marijuana
just to sustain the economic needs for their families.
Apppendix G shows and compares the volume of legal and illegal
importation from August to December 2002.
Responses at the Local Level
To achieve productivity, women are obliged to surmount a host of
obstacles. The difficulty of gaining access to land, credit and agricultural inputs
hampers their potential as producers who “feed the world”.
At the local level, legislations have been drafted which aims at the
realization of the women’s potential as well as to address issues on technology.
Executive Order No. 2001-42 dated October 2, 2001 was issued by the
Governor creating the Benguet Vegetable Commission to oversee the agricultural
40
concerns of the province in relation to GATT. It is a Commission similar to the
task force composed of national government agencies, non-government
organizations and private sectors. The commission’s main functions are as
follows: to study and recommend measures that will enable the province of
Benguet to cope with the effects of full implementation of agricultural provision
of GATT; to implement the Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act
(AFMA), to develop of farmer’s organizations and similar concerns; and to
perform such other duties and functions as may be appropriate
Due to the problems brought by vegetable importation, the following are
suggested solutions by the local government (Skyland News, 2004):
1. The need to standardize commodities of the agriculture sector. This will
serve as guide to farmers in marketing their products.
2. The Crop Zoning Program. This program proposes that every farmer
will follow a systematic schedule of planting different crops in different seasons
to avoid overproduction of vegetables at certain times of the year
3. Better farming methods that are currently being understudied by the
municipality to be able to cope with the imported vegetables entering the local
market
On the other hand, the Local Government had passed several resolutions
relative to the Benguet vegetable industry presented below:
1. Res. No. 04-178 dated September 13, 2004 - Requesting the director of
41
BPI not to issue importation permits on temperate vegetables similarly being
produced in the Province of Benguet
2. Res. No. 04-210 dated Sept. 27, 2005 – Opposing the signing of the
bilateral quarantine Agreement between the Republic of the Philippines and the
Peoples Republic of China
3. Res. 04-262 dated Nov. 8, 2004 - Supporting PAFC Res. No. 04-20,
entitled resolution requesting Pres. GMA to revive and reconstitute the National
Anti-Smuggling Task Force and include a member representing the local farmers.
4. Res. No.05- 81 dated March 7, 2005 – Respectfully requesting Hon.
Arthur C. Yap, Secretary of agriculture through Dir. Clarito m. Barron, OIC, BPI,
Malate, Manila, to stop issuance of importation permits to local importers of
potatoes who are non-processors.
5. Res. No.05-101 dated April 4, 2005 – Strongly supporting the
opposition of the Benguet Farmers Federation Inc. to the signing of Bilateral trade
Agreement between the Republic of the Philippines and the People’s Republic of
China on the importation of vegetables into the country.
6. Res. No. 05-135 dated April 25, 2005 – Requesting Her Excellency
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, President, Republic of the Philippines, to exclude
carrots and other temperate vegetables similarly produced in the Cordillera to be
imported from the Peoples Republic of China relative to the bilateral trade
42
agreement to be signed into by and between the Peoples Republic of China and
the Republic of the Philippines
7. Res. No. 05-178 dated June 6, 2005 – Respectfully requesting Her
Excellency Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, President, Republic of the Philippines,
through the Hon. Juan B. Santos, Secretary of Trade and Industry, to reconsider
and exclude edible vegetables from the Memorandum of Understanding between
the Philippines and China on the early Harvest program.
8. Res. No. 05-187 dated June 14, 2005 – Requesting the Bureau of Plant
and Industry to stop the importation of Potatoes and other vegetables coming from
Australia, China, Germany, Holland, Switzerland, and the Netherlands without
the conduct of PRA.
On April 21-23, 2004, around 600 vegetable farmers and stakeholders
joined the 2nd National Vegetable Congress held at Benguet State University
enclosed gym. With the theme “Modernizing the Vegetable Industry Towards
Globalization,” the activity aimed to secure specific commitment from the
national and local government units to support the vegetable industry and
strengthen farmer’s organizations to promote better cooperation and team
building. The congress also discussed technical concerns affecting the production,
post-harvest and marketing of vegetables as well as policy issues responsive to the
development of the industry in order to determine strategic action plans in solving
43
industry problems and strengthen government and non-government collaboration
in support of its modernization and development (SkylandNews, 2004).
Another congress was held last January 13 to 14, 2006 at Benguet State
University closed gym. This was the 1st Cordillera Organic Agriculture Congress
with a theme “Save the Environment, Go Organic.” The main objective of the
congress is to prepare, position and institutionalize the region as the country’s
leading producer and supplier of organically produced quality products,
competitive in the global market.
Specifically, the congress aimed to encourage participants to appreciate,
promote and enhance organic farming as a way of life; safeguard human health
and development; protect and rehabilitate the environment especially in the
farming areas; and have an understanding of the international principles and
Philippines basic standards of organic agriculture and processing.
In the municipality of Atok, the Office of the Municipal Agriculture has a
program and a project that will uplift and help the farmers. The Office of the
Municipal Agriculture in Atok has four banner programs, namely, GMA - Grains,
GMA – Livestock, GMA – HVCC and GMA – fisheries.
Moreover, researcher like Beta-a (1981) recommended the following:
creating and opening of more marketing channels to reduce an oversupply of the
same kind of vegetables in one area as well as to maintain better and stable selling
price; putting cold storage in marketing centers; conducting lectures, seminars,
44
workshops and farm demonstrations; and government standardizing the selling
prices of different vegetables in order to prevent abrupt fluctuations of prices.
Conceptual Framework
In this study, the concepts and variables to be considered include the
socio-economic profile, role and status of women in the context of vegetable
importation. The socio-economic profile of women has to be looked into as this
determines their roles and status. Women’s status refers to the extent of their
access and power in the aspect of social services, material resources and
community involvement while role refers to the function of women in the
societies in the aspect of family, community and in economic activity.
One of the pressing problems a Filipino family is facing is economic. As
the government comes up with programs that are supposed to uplift the economic
condition of the country, the Filipino family is in one way affected and shaped by
it. The theory of Myrdal, “Theory of Circular Causation,” is an example how
trade liberalization being adopted by the government may affect the life and
livelihood of women farmers in line with globalization. Myrdal views a country
as a social system with conditions such as output and income, conditions of
production, levels of living, attitudes towards life and work, and institutions and
policies which are all causally interrelated and interdependent. Myrdal points out
that a change in one category tends to cause a change in others in the same
45
direction either upward or downward. For example, a change in government
policy will increase labor productivity or output, thus increasing individual
income. This will in turn improve the conditions of production, savings,
investments, labor efficiency, and production techniques. The cycle goes on and
results to affecting the people. On the other hand, government policies may
decrease labor productivity or output, thus decreasing individual income that
eventually affects the level of living among the people.
The theory of Myrdal is an example how trade liberalization being
adopted by the government may affect the life and livelihood of women farmers
in line with globalization. One cannot deny the fact that trade liberalization has
brought a big change in the situation of women farmers including their socio-
economic conditions. The unfavorable terms brought by trade liberalization make
indigenous women more economically vulnerable. The family suffers if income is
lacking because needs are not being supplied. It is the women who try to augment
the needs of the family by adopting adjustment measures in farming system and
cropping pattern.
But literature speaks of transformation in the status and role of women as
time goes by, their status and roles differs from one place to another. In the
context of trade liberalization, changes can be felt and seen in the changing roles
and status of women particularly the farmers. As government policies are being
implemented, the women farmers are beset with several challenges and problems
46
AoA
(Vegetable Importation)
Socio-Economic Profile
Age
Number of
household
members
Educational
Status
attainment
Time resources
Income
Social Services
Means of
Material
production
Resources
Land tenure
Community
Production system
Involvement
Kind of crop being
Roles
planted
Farm
Finance system
Off- Farm
Household
Problems and solutions
employed by the women
Figure 1 Paradigm of the study
47
related to the different roles they perform. These policies lead to changes in
economic activity, working conditions, means of production and income. Coping
mechanisms have to be employed. Solutions and alternatives may further alter the
situation and further marginalizes the women farmers.
Definition of Terms
The following terms are operationally defined in the study.
Implications – refer to the negative impacts of vegetable importation on the
status and roles of women farmers. Negative impacts include adjustments on the
roles and status of women farmers to cope up with the changing trends in the
vegetable industry. Examples of these adjustments are reduced time or leisure,
community involvement and time for household activities.
Socio-economic Profile –refer to the relative condition, rank and situation of a
society, socially and economically. In this study, it refers to the age, number of
household members, income, means of productions, land tenure, production
system adopted and crops planted by the women farmers
Women Farmer – This refers to a person who cultivates land or crops or raises
animals or fish. In this study, it refers to the women respondents who cultivates
farmlands and engaged in the production of semi-temperate vegetables for
sustenance and commercial purposes.
48
Vegetable importation – It refers to the activity of purchasing vegetable
products from other countries. In this study, it refers to the activity of purchasing
vegetable products from other countries as part of the policy of Agreement on
Agriculture being imposed by World Trade Organization to its member countries
in line with trade liberalization. Vegetable importation also includes the entry of
legally or illegally imported vegetables into local farms and markets
Roles – refer to the expected work of women as perceived by the community
in the farm, off-farm and in household communities. Farm activities refer to the
work of women farmers in the production level. Off farm refers to the
involvement of women in the community and farmers organization while
household activities refer to the responsibility of women as wife, and mother to
her family.
Status – This is the position of an individual in a group. In this study it refers
to the condition of women farmers in the farm specifically in the farm, off-farm
and in the household which includes socio-economic status and household status.
It also refers to women’s access and control over material and social resources
within the family, community and society. These material and non-material
resources includes income, time, community involvement, technologies and
investments.
49
Socio-Economic Status - refer to women condition in terms of their
access and control over resources like time, credit, income, savings,
investments as well as access to services and to community organizations
Household Status –refer to the condition of women farmers as they
assume their household task in relation with rearing and sustaining
children and family
Owner-farmer – refer to women farmer who owns the land along with their
husband who takes charge of the farming activities either directly or indirectly.
She may have or may not have the capital to be used in the production and may
also implement pa-suplay on her own.
Pa-suplay – This refers to the credit system that binds a financier/creditor and
a farmer
Oblante –refer to a farm wage worker, agricultural laborer or a farmer who
earns through por dia.
Por dia/daily wage worker – refer to hired worker who get paid on a daily
basis. In this research, por dia refers to women farmer who do not own the land
the land she tills and who gets paid on a daily basis. It also include women who
are themselves farmers but due to limited resources, find time to work in
neighboring farm.
Farmer-trader – This refers to a farmer who also markets produce, either from
her own farm and/or those of other farmers
50
Farmer–supplier – refer to a farmer who finances the production cost and even
the household needs of a farmer while waiting for the harvest
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This section presents the data from the field as well as an analysis of such.
The data are presented in tables using frequencies and percentages. Part one
presents the profile of the respondents; part two discusses at length the roles of
women which give a description of the status of women farmers given the
changing situation in the vegetable industry. The last part presents the problems
encountered by the respondents as well as the solutions employed in relation to
the problems encountered and the recommendations given by the respondents.
Socio-economic Profile of the Respondents.
The socio-economic profile of the respondents is described along the
following variables: age, number of household members, number of years in
farming, educational attainment, annual income, tenurial status, crops being
planted, labor system and capital system.
Age. Table 4 presents the age profile of the women respondents. Of the 16
respondents, no one falls under the young age category. The great majority are
considered old farmers since they range in from 40 and above, with a mean age of
47.75. Four respondents are in their middle life stage. On the other hand, it is
observed that irregardless of age, five respondents aged 51 and above years are
still engaged in vegetable production.
Table 4. Profile of the women-farmer respondents n=16
Young Women Middle-Age Old Women TOTAL
PROFILE
(15-25) (26-39) (40 & above)
(F)
(%) (F) (%) (F) (%) (%)
Age
0
0
4 25 12
75 100
Number of Household
Members
0-4
0
0
0 0 4
25 25
5-8
0
0
4 25
6
37.5 62.5
9-12
0
0
0 0 2
12.5 12.5
Total
0
0
4 25 12
75 100
Number of Years in
Farming
0-10
0
0 0 0
1
6.25 6.25
11-20
0
0
4 25 5
31.25 56.25
21 & above
0
0
0 0 6
37.5 37.5
Total
0
0
4 25
12
75 100
Mean
0
16.75 28.33
Educational Attainment
Elementary
0
0
1 6.25
3
18.75 25
High School
0
0
2 12.5 4
25 37.5
College
0
0
1 6.25 5
31.25 37.5
Total
0
0
4 25 12
75 100
Table 4 Continued…
.
Young Women
Middle-Aged Old Women
TOTAL
PROFILE
Women
(F) (%) (F) (%) (F) ( %) (%)
Farmer Category
Farmer-trader
0 0
0 0
0 0 0
Farmer-supplier
0 0 0 0 1 6.25 6.25
Farmer –owner
0 0 3 18.75 11 68.75 87.5
Por dia/Oblante
0
0 1 6.25
0 0 6.25
Total 0 0 4 25 12 75 100
Estimated Income (2005)
10,000 & below
0
0 2 12.50 1 6.25 18.75
10,001-15,000
0 0 1 6.25 1 6.25 12.50
15,001-20,000
0 0 0 0 2 12.50 12.50
20,001-25,000
0 0 0 0 1 6.25 6.25
25,001-30,000
0 0 0 0 0 0 0
30,001-35,000
0 0 0 0 1 6.25 6.25
35,001-40,000
0 0 1 6.25 0 0 6.25
40,001-45,000
0 0 0 0 1 6.25 6.25
45,001-50,000
0 0 0 0 0 0 0
50,001 & above
0 0 0 0 0 0 0
No specific figure given 0 0 0 0 5 31.25 31.25
Total
0 0 4 25 12
75 100
Table 5. Estimated Annual Income of the Respondents (2000-2005)
ESTIMATED
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
INCOME F % F % F % F % F % F %
n=16
10,000 & below
4 25 3
18.75 3 18.75
3
18.75 3 18.75
3 18.75
10,001-15,000
0 0 1 6.25 1 6.25
1
6.25 1 6.25 2 12.5
15,001-20,000 1 6.25 1 6.25 2 12.5 3 18.75 2 12.5 2 12.5
20,001-25,000 3 18.75 3 18.75 2 12.5 2 12.5 1 6.25 1 6.25
25,001-30,000
1 6.25 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
30,001-35,000 1 6.25 2 12.5 1 6.25 0 0 1 6.25 1 6.25
35,001-40,000 2 12.5 1 6.25 2 12.5 0 0 1 6.25 1 6.25
40,001-45,000 0 0 1 6.25 0 0 2 12.5 2 12.5 1 6.25
45,001-50,000 0 0 0 0 2 12.5 1 6.25 2 12.5 0 0
50,001 & above 3 18.75 2 12.5 1 6.25 1 6.25 1 6.25 0 0
No figure given 1 6.25 2 12.5 2 12.5 3 18.75 1 6.25 5 31.25
Total 16 100 16 100 16 100 16 100 16 100 16 100
Table 13. Crops Being Planted*
Y E A R
CROPS
2000 % 2001 % 2002 % 2003 % 2004 % 2005 %
Cabbage 15 93.75 14 87.50 15 93.75 13 81.25 13 81.25 13 81.25
Potatoes 16 100 16 100 13 81.25 14 87.50 12 75 13 81.25
Carrots 9 56.25 11 68.75 10 62.5 9 56.25 11 68.75 13 81.25
Chayote
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Beans 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Peas
5 31.25 6 37.5 5 31.25 6 37.5 6 37.5 7 43.75
Cauliflower 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Broccoli 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Others 5 31.25 4 25 4 25 4 25 4 25 9 56.25
*Multiple responses
65
Cruz (2005), in a study on the Economic Viability of the Labor Employed
in Various Marketing Strategies, disclosed that highland farmers fall under 41 to
50 age bracket. This finding agrees with the 1992 census of barangay Paoay
conducted by Cruz (1994) where it reveals that the majority or more than 56
percent of the population range in from age15 to 64 years. Cruz (1994) classified
this age range as working age. In addition, Cruz census also reveals that the
population of working age predominates over the youth and elderly. These past
studies of Cruz (2005) and Cruz (1994) confirm the finding of the present study as
revealed from the data gathered from the respondents except that there is no
young population in this study.
As of March 2001 Paoay has a total population of 4,320 consisting of
2,164 males and 2,156 females and about half of the population belongs to the
working age group, which includes ages that range from 15 to 64. Based on the
data of Cruz (1994) and from the latest barangay profile, there is no significant
changes in the labor force of Paoay despite the increase of population from 2,723
persons belonging to 509 households to 4, 320 with a total of 666 number of
households (Barangay Paoay BNRMP).
Number of household members. Table 4 shows that 10 of the total
respondents have five to eight members of the household, which is relatively big.
This finding is supported by other literature that claims that in farming
community the family is characterized as “big.” Sociologists explain this
66
occurrence as farming part of the Filipino culture that gives value to more
children. This can be attributed to Filipino belief that “the more children they
have, the more blessings the family will obtain, and the more hands to cultivate
the field.”
Based on the figures presented by Cruz (1994) and the Paoay Barangay
Natural Resource Management Plan (BNRMP), there is an increase of household
size from 5.3 in 1992 to 6.5 in 2001. In the study, the average household size of
the respondents is 5.9 which still fall within the observed figures. The present
average household size is lower than the figure given by Paoay BNRMP
Number of years in farming. Table 4 reflects the number of years that the
respondents have been in vegetable production. As shown in the table, 15
respondents have been in vegetable farming for more than ten years. Out of the
15, nine respondents have been farming for 11 to 20 years and six respondents for
more than 20 years.
The long years of farming experience of the respondents signifies that
respondents have been farming even at a young age based on the interviews.
Working on the farm at a young age is a common situation in rural area. It further
signifies that their experience in and knowledge of farming activities are rich.
This finding corroborates the observation of Cruz (1994) that farmers are engage
in farming activities at a young age and household member of school age are
anticipated to help in the farm work. As a result of such practice, farming in
67
Paoay is generally a family enterprise (Cruz, 1994). As found in the study of Cruz
and corroborated in this study, children are expected to help or carry out simple
chores on the farm and their tasks become more complex and difficult as they
grow older.
Respondents’ early association with farming activities can be attributed to
their parents’ involvement in vegetable farming where labor utilized depends
largely on family labor. Children are expected to help on the farm especially
during weekends.
Women respondents recollected that at a young age they got involved in
vegetable farming. Respondent Fely, for example, has farmer parents who oblige
her to help the garden when she was in grade five. Her task included weeding and
applying abuno (fertilizer) particularly during Saturdays and whenever there was
no school. Respondent Vivian also works on the garden at the age of 13 helping
her parents, thus, it eventually leads to acquisition of knowledge of farming
Educational attainment. As gleaned from the table, a great majority have
either reached or finished high school or college. The pattern of educational
attainment implies that farmer respondents give value to education. The practice
valuing education is traced back to the American period when the public schools
system was established, with specific interest in the Cordillera.
Category. Respondents in this study are classified into four categories:
owner-farmer, farmer-trader, farmer-supplier and por dia or daily wage worker.
68
All respondents under the four categories hold a labor-intensive job. As gleaned
from the table, 10 respondents are farmer-owner, that is, they own the land they
till.
A farmer-supplier can also be a farmer-trader at the same time. The case
of farmer-respondent Remedios who previously had a stall or pwesto at La
Trinidad Trading Post typifies a farmer-supplier.
The four categories have varied access in resources such as financial
institutions and/or cooperatives. Farmer supplier-trader, compared to those other
categories, has an easier access to resources and has the cash capital needed for
the production. They usually own their means of transportation like truck to
transports their produce to the market outlet.
The plight of a por dia/daily wage worker is different from that of the
other categories. Women under this category perform the task meant either for
male or female on the farm. She does not enjoy the privilege that the women in
other categories are enjoying since she does not own the land she tills. Five
owner-farmer respondents also work under a por dia basis if they have free time
to augment their income.
This finding corroborates with Batani et al, (2002) that to augment the
income of owner-tillers, they work as hired hands of neighboring farms under a
por dia basis whenever their time allows it.
69
Estimated annual income of the respondents. Table 4 discloses the income
of the women respondents for the year 2005 and Table 5 the annual income of the
respondents from their vegetable farms for the year 2000 to 2005.
Some respondents do not give specific figure about their annual income
for a specific year. Their rationale is that they cannot recall their annual income
for that year; thus they just answered that they have experienced loss particularly
in the year 2005 due to typhoon Labuyo and the vegetable importation
phenomenon.
No women respondent has an annual income for the year 2005 that has
reached P45, 001 and above. The highest income for that year was 40,001-
45,000; however, five respondents did not give specific figure. From the data
reflected on the table, it is observed that for the past five years of farming, women
respondents’ experienced an unstable income. In interviews, the respondents
revealed that there are several reasons that contributed to this situation. The
reasons would include vegetable importation and natural calamities, specifically
typhoon Labuyo that hit the country in the year 2005, and destroyed the plants of
the farmers that leads to bankruptcy.
70
71
Farmer-respondent Vivian narrated:
Diay presyo. Agtrabaho kami met. Nababa ti presyo ti nateng ket
nangina diay magagatang nga usaren. Agasem diay abuno ngay ket 80
pesos iti maysa nga sako tapos agtranportasyon kami pay lang isu nga
apan ti 100 pesos. Tapos gumatang kami pay ti fertilizer… manu ti
fertilizer one thousand ti maysa nga kaban. Gumatang kami pay lang ti
fungicide kas da insecticide. Nangina da met. Into nu rumuar diay nateng
uray kunam nga nagmayat ti nateng me nababa met ti presyo. Diay
dadduma, nadadael lang garud ken nakissayan ta dinadael ti bagyo nu
aglako ket nababa pay lang diay presyo. Isu nga lugi kami. (Our income
had been decreasing because of price. The price of farm inputs is
expensive while the price of vegetable is low. Example, the price of
“abuno” is 80 pesos per sack and transportation is 100 pesos. Aside from
fungicide and insecticide, we are going to buy fertilizer which cost 1,000.
These are expensive and though we have quality vegetable but the price is
low. Some farmers were affected by typhoon and when they sell their
good, the price is low. Due to these, farmers had encountered deficits.)
On the other hand, farmer -respondent Remedios explains the reason why
her income had decrease.
Idi adda ti mabingay mi ngem tatta nga nababa ti nateng nalugi
met ti farmer tatta nga year (2005). Tatta nga 2005 nag loss ti farmer
gamin nababa ti presyo ti nateng. Timmama ti garden ngem presyo ti
nakaabakan mi ta naglako kami ti 3,4 5 pesos ti repolyo. So han nga
rimuar ti capital (In the past we have our share but this year (2005)
farmers had experienced loss due to the low price of vegetables. We sold
our cabbage at 3, 4, 5 pesos. Because of this, we are not able to regain our
capital).
Vegetable importation affects all the incomes of all categories. The effect
of vegetable importation to por dia/daily wage worker was explained by one
respondent. Respondent Andrea explained that because of vegetable importation
72
the price of vegetable was low. As vegetable importation affects the owner of the
land, the effect is also felt by the daily wage worker like respondent Andrea.
All respondents claim that one reason of the decrease of their income is
the lowering of farm gate price of the products. This trend can be attributed to the
law of supply and demand along with the entry of legal or illegal imported
vegetables resulting to an oversupply of vegetables. When asked the cause of this
oversupply, respondents identified vegetable importation. Oversupply signifies
that prices would fall since there is a direct relationship between price and
quantity of goods that producers are willing to supply. On her experience on
vegetable importation farmer-respondent Hariet says:
Idi 2000 tummama kami ngem tatta garud nga naapektuhan ti
importasyon ket isu nga bimmaba ti income me. (In the year 2000, we
experience “jackpot” but at present due to vegetable importation, our
income had decreased.)
Women respondents correctly identified vegetable importation as the
cause of the low price of their product. Respondent Fely recalls selling her
cabbage at a price of one peso or two pesos due to the entry of imported
vegetable. Vegetable importation, according to respondent Remedios, affects the
decrease price of their vegetable that leads to bankruptcy. Certainly, this is
detrimental to their means of income and existing condition.
Another problem compounding their situation are the presence of pests
and diseases, occurrence of calamities, increase cost of inputs and the existence
of diminished soil fertility.
73
Income, on the other hand, is related to other factors like acquisition of
new technologies and tools and having savings. Because of low income,
acquisition of new technologies and materials is not the priority of the
respondents. The relationship of income and acquiring new technologies was
explained by Mandac (1989, as cited by Wongsuwan, 2004) that low income level
was associated with low farm productivity since it limits the capacity of farm
households to purchase modern farm inputs so as to lift their income. Since
farmers have inadequate income, savings are also highly limited; hence the
acquisition of technologies and tools and having a savings become secondary.
The testimonies of all respondents indicate that farming is a “game of
chance.” This “game” can be attributed to the market conditions that are outside
the influence of the farmers. With the increasing price of farm inputs and the
entry of vegetable importation, vegetable growing becomes more risky for the
farmers whose main income depends on farming. Women farmers are unsure
whether to gain or not since some farming factors are beyond their control like the
changing price of vegetables, the weather, the increasing price of farm inputs and
the like. Farmer-respondent Lily said that farmers do not stop when they
encounter deficit but continue to plant with the hope that the next cropping will
give them better yields. There are times they experience deficits and deepening
indebtedness but there are times when farmers hit a “jackpot” price. This will
likely happen if they have quality vegetables and the farm gate price is high thus
74
they experience an increase in their income and will likely to invest on other
material resources. Like farmer-respondent Lily, other farmers consider the crop
to be a “suicide crop” as cited by Cruz (1994), and if the weather cooperates, the
gamble pays off and the farmers can to market their produce at very favorable
prices.
Closer examination shows that of the P50, 000 incomes is allocated as
capital for the next cropping, current expenses on food, loan payments, education,
health and other expenses. But more often than not, income from farming is
mostly set aside for financing the next cropping.
With the increasing cost of living and decreasing income, “who controls
the income” is an issue. Crisologo-Mendoza (1998), for instance, found in a study
on the decision making on the household budget in three Cordillera communities,
of which barangay Paoay is one of the areas, that the executive management of
the budget is the wife’s domain and the Cordillera women share decision-making
power with their husbands. The finding of Crisologo-Mendoza was partly
supported in the study of Batani et al, (2002) and by the present study, which
finds that some respondents who claimed that decision-making is shared by both
of wife and husband since they consult with each other. But in the case of
respondent Lily, who is a widow, the authority to decide is put into her shoulder.
This situation, as by Crisologo-Mendoza relates to the significant number of
75
households in Paoay that are headed by women who are either
abandoned/divorced or separated or are widowed.
On the other hand, respondents, when asked how much their gain or loss
is, cannot give a specific figure. They simply say “There is an increase” or “I
experience loss in my profits this year.” The reason for their general statement s
that most of them, including some men, do not keep a record on the outflows and
inflows of money. This practice of not keeping a record is viewed by the
researcher as risky because without it, one cannot examine the financial status in a
business. Recording the inflows and outflows in a business will give a person an
unambiguous situation of one’s finances.
Table 6. Household income
INCOME BRACKET
NUMBER OF
PERCENTAGE
PER MONTH
HOUSEHOLD
1,000 & below
3
.45
1.001-2000
16
2.40
2,001- 3,000
43
6.46
3,001-4,000
39
5.86
4,001-5,000
41
6.16
5,001-6,000
49
7.36
6,001-7,000
47
7.06
7,001-8,000
60
9.01
8,001-9,000
23
3.45
9,001-10,000
19
2.85
10,001 & above
326
48.94
No Answer
5
.75
Total
666
100
Source: As of March 2001Barangay Paoay Atok Municipality BNRMP
76
Table 7. Source of income
SOURCE
HH HEAD SPOUSE
OTHER
TOTAL
MEMBERS
Farm
474
172
78
724
Off-Farm
(Industry)
106
72
21
199
Non-Farm
(Prof.)
41
65 15 121
Total 621
309
114 1044
Source: As of March 2001 Baragay Paoay Atok Municipality BNRMP
About 48.94 percent or 326 of the total households in Paoay receive a
monthly income of more than P10, 000 and only three households below P1,000
(Table 6). Farming is the major source of income of the majority of the
households in Paoay, nevertheless, some augment their income by engaging in
off-farm and non-farm activities while a few derive their livelihood from either
off-farm or non-farm activities (Table 7). Those who belong to the upper income
bracket are usually involved in both off-farm and non-farm activities.
Studies show that women are not only universally responsible for food
preparation for their families; they are frequently responsible for supplying it, if
not by production, then by earning extra income to purchase. With the increasing
cost of living, the farmers try to augment their income by engaging in other
income-generating activities (Table 8) to raise their income and provide the daily
needs of the family.
77
Table 8. Other sources of income of the women respondents
RESPONDENT
SOURCES
1
none
2
none
3
comboy, por dia if time permits
4
por dia during her free time
5
cacti production, house to house selling of bread
6
por dia
7
-
8
being rented out
9
manage the women coop, por dia (husband)
10
maki-suplay
11
por dia
12
none
13
none
14
none
15
piggery, car for hire
16
none
As gleaned on Table 8, six respondents are totally dependent on farming.
Thus, with the entry of vegetable importation their only source of income is
threatened and so they adopt any coping mechanism for surviaval. The problem of
accessing and controlling sources of income however depends on the status – i.e
women who are owner-tiller usually have access compared to daily wage workers
(por dia).
This situation suggests that some women are better off (trader-supplier,
farmer-operator) and who have the capacity to look for other sources of income.
Respondents number 3, 8, 9 and 15 are ‘able to access other sources of income.’
78
A look into their background shows that they are all farmer operators who own
the land they till.
Land tenure of the respondents. Access and control of land resources is a
major indicator of the “status” of women. Equally important is the question of
“how much area” one “owns.” Table 18 reveals the respondents’ tenurial status in
relation to land. Thirteen respondents are owner-farmers and two are either
tenants or users of the land for free. Since a great majority owns the land, it may
be inferred that the land is either inherited from their parents and was divided
among siblings, is owned by their husbands or is considered as a conjugal
property. Respondents who consider themselves “tenants” are either real tenants
or users of the land for free. Probing reveals that these lands are owned by
relatives.
Table 9. Respondents Land Tenure
STATUS
NUMBER
PERCENTAGE
(F)
(%)
n=16
Owner-farmer
13
81.25
Tenant
1
6.25
CLT Holder
0
0
Using for free
1
6.25
Share tenant
0
0
Supplier’s land
0
0
CADT applicant/Holder
0
0
Other
1
6.25
Total
16
100
79
Table 9 shows that the farmer-respondents can own land or inherit it from
their parents. This finding is interesting as other indigenous women in many parts
of the world cannot inherit nor own land. The women respondents can accumulate
tracks of land because of the inheritance rules being practiced in Paoay (Cruz,
1994). According to the practice, all children have the right to inherit lands from
their parents. Even children who no longer reside in the community are entitled
to property. They, however, have the option to rent the land out or let relatives use
it in their absence. In any case, the women-respondents have relatively small areas
to till. This is one reason why women farmers have relatively small income, a
situation that can be attributed to internal, external and natural factors.
Small land or plots being tilled by women can yield a limited income.
Farmers in Benguet particularly those in Paoay, Atok according to Batani et al,
(2000) are classified as small land owners. Table 10 shows the farm classification
of Paoay, Atok.
Table 10. Farm classification in Paoay, Atok, Benguet
DESCRIPTION SMALL MEDIUM LARGE
Average farm Less than One hectare to Five hectare to
Size (ha)
ha. Five hectares 24 hectare
Source: Batani et al, 2000
80
Women farmers are still engaged in subsistence farming considering the
topography of Paoay. Paoay is a mountainous area and forest land has the widest
area with 868 hectares. Thus, farmers can adopt only equipment applicable to
their place; using farm machinery like tractor is impossible considering the
location of their garden. This is the reason why women respondents claimed that
gardening is done manually using equipment like gabyon (grub hoe).
According to Tauli-Corpuz (1998), such type of farming has no room in
the era of globalization. One of the consequences of globalization on indigenous
women is the remarkable transformation from subsistence production to the
production of cash crops. The conventional production method and resource care
system they had depended upon for decades are considered “inefficient and
backward by the global economy” market, which advocate global competitiveness
and comparative advantage. The global competitiveness being faced by women
suggest that women farmers need to discard the traditional practices of farming
and adopt modernization policy in farming to be able to compete with the
imported vegetables (Tauli-Corpuz, 1998).
Although women respondents would like to upgrade their equipments,
they could not because they lack the capital to purchase it. As respondent Fely
said, “Uray kayat mo gumatang ti water pump nu awan ti paggatang mo e di
awan met laeng” (Even though you want to have a water pump, you cannot but it
if you do not have the money).
81
Since three respondents do not own the land they till they cannot decide
what to do with it without the consent of the land owner. This situation eventually
results to having a negative output. Most of the time, decision making, rests on
the sole authority of the landowner since resources belong and come from the
land-owner. Compared to the owner-farmer, the landowner has more advantages
since she can decide what is best, what to plant and can implement innovations
immediately that will uplift her situation and prepare them in line with vegetable
importation.
Labor being utilized in the farm. One of the factors of production aside
from capital and land is labor. Shown on Table 18 are the kinds of labor employed
on the farm as narrated by the women respondents. As shown, the leading kind
utilized by the respondents is family labor
Table 11. Labor being utilized in the farm*
LABOR
NUMBER
PERCENTAGE
(F)
(%)
n=16
Family Labor
13
81.25
Hired labor
7
43.73
Bayanihan System 0
0
Contract Basis 1
6.26
Combination of family 1
6.26
and contract labor
Others 0
0
Total
22
*Multiple responses
82
As gleaned on Table 11, 13 depend on family labor. It is apparent that the
family is still a very important source of labor. Farm works are shared among the
different members of the household irregardless of age and gender.
However, since cash crop production is very labor intensive, rarely is the
family endeavor sufficient particularly. This is particularly true during the
planting and harvesting season where work is at its peak, hence, farmers resort to
hired labor or contract labor.
Even a farmer- supplier also depends on farm laborers. A farmer-supplier,
as mentioned earlier, provides financial assistance to other farmers under the pa-
suplay system. To the respondents, who are under the pa-suplay scheme, they feel
that their ‘labor’ is being exploited because the farmer being supplied also works
on the farm of the supplier. The burden of work is easily passed on to the farm
laborers.
On the other hand, the status of a por dia/daily wage worker can be
attributed to the following: limited resources, and lack of capital or no capital at
all. Being a daily wage farmer can be more difficult compared to those with other
categories. Respondent Andrea mentioned that the life of a por dia/daily wage
worker is hard. She works from seven in the morning to five in the afternoon and
there are times that her “boss” requiresher to do overtime work along with other
por dia workers. Though having overtime is seasonal, they do not have an
83
influence over this matter since they are always under the bidding of the owner-
farmer. Management of time, therefore, is one of the differences between por
dia/daily wage worker and one who owns the land.
Sources of capital. Table 12 presents the sources of capital of the farmer
respondents. The table shows that women respondents have several sources of
capital. A great majority of women respondents either finance their production
personally, or through middlemen, or a combination of both sources.
Most of the women respondents personally finance their production. The
rationale of this observable fact, as explained in the study conducted by the
Cordillera Studies Center (1994) is that cash receipts of farming household from
sales of produce have to meet both production/marketing costs and consumption
expenditures.
In an informal discussion, a group of women farmers mentioned that when
capital is not enough for the next cropping or that a farmer has experienced
bankruptcy, they adopt a pa-suplay system. According to them, the mode of
sharing agreement between the supplier and the person being supplied depends on
the “connection” between the farmer and supplier. An example of the agreement
is after deducting all the expenses, the supplier either gets 40 or 50 percent share
and the remaining 60 or 50 percent goes to the farmer. Such scheme still has
negative implication for the farmer who does the heavy and bulk of work, one of
84
Table 12. Sources of capital of the women respondents*
SOURCE
NUMBER
PERCENTAGE
(F)
(%)
n=16
Individually/
11
68.75
Family financed
Finance through
4
25
Loan
Finance by
10
62.5
Middlemen
Total
25
*Multiple Responses
is that the women are silently complaing about. This goes on to show that
vegetable farming is capital intensive and pa-suplay system which is the common
source of capital being adopted by women, can also be a fertile ground for
unethical lender-borrower relationship.
The large capital needed for each cropping likewise leads women
respondents to other financiers like middlemen at the La Trinidad Trading Post
which can be another form of pa-suplay scheme. The supplier- financier bears the
cost of production such as fertilizer. At harvest time all or a quantity of the
produce will be sold to suppliers/middlemen and the cost of production is
deducted from the proceeds. From this situation, the farmers do not have a choice
85
as to whom to sell the product, thus, savings from income, if any, are severely
limited. Hariet, one woman respondent, said “Diay pwesto diay trading post.
Isuda met lang to pangitedan me ti nateng me” (We borrow money from our suki
-one who buys regularly her product. We also give them our vegetable after the
harvest.) When asked if she can sell the vegetable to other traders, she answered
“Haanen tapnu nu agkurang kami ti mausar idiay garden, agited da” (No, so that
if we lack the needed materials they can lend us). Her answer implies that if a
farmer wants to establish social network, then must to regularly supply the trader
with her farm products.
Almost all women respondents claimed that they run to the middlemen, to
their suki in the Trading Post or to their supplier when they experience a shortage
of capital. Aside from this, some farmer and trader are bounded by relationship
whether being a relative, friend or neighbor. One attractive offer in this scheme is
that the supplier automatically takes charge of disposing the product. This is
especially true for suppliers who are also traders, however, limiting the bargaining
power of the farmer when it comes to price.
Aside from middlemen and their “suki”, respondents also claimed that
when they lack the needed capital, they borrow either from their friends,
neighbors, loans through banks and cooperatives or from someone they know has
the resources. This corroborates the data of Paoay BNRMP.
86
Farmers need long-term and short-term credit but women’s limited access
to financial services may prevent their efforts to improve or expand their farm
activities. Paoay farmers borrow money from various credit sources like suppliers,
banks, cooperatives, associations, relatives, friends and stores to buy farm inputs,
to pay for school fees or for everyday needs (Paoay BNRMP).
Crops being planted. Table 13 shows the crops being planted by the
respondents for the past five years of farming. It shows that cabbage, potato and
carrot are the major crops being planted. Aside from these crops, women farmers
also plant radish, celery and even cutflowers. Some respondents claim to plant
petchay but for home consumption only.
All the women respondents claimed that they practice crop rotation or
alternate cropping in a year but based on the interview, women respondents do not
really practice crop rotation since crops are concentrated only to three yielding
crops: potato, carrot and cabbage.
Women respondents claimed that they typically have two to three
croppings in a year. However, the second and third croppings are still dependent
on the availability of water. Women farmers can have the second or if water is
abundant but to those women who depend on rain, they have one or two
croppings. Crops are planted in February and October (Appendix K).
The planting for the first crop starts from the months of February to March
and harvesting is done in early June to late July while the second cropping starts
87
88
in October and harvesting time in December. There is no particular crop planted
in the first or second cropping season because crop depends on the availability of
seeds as well as the preferences of farmers but, still, concentrated on the three
crops: potato, cabbage and carrot mixed with other crops like radish or sweet
peas. According to respondent Dominga “depende diay kaima-an ti farmer.”
Some respondents alter the vegetable they plant in a cropping while some practice
mixed crop.
In an informal interview, women farmer claimed that the reason they
practice crop rotation is to minimize club root and other diseases with a hope to
improve and gain more money. Such practice is based on women-innovated
knowledge on farming that is integral in farming system. In addition, they plant
one or two kinds of vegetable in one cropping because of the desire to gain more
income and maximize the land that they have since land is limited. One women
farmer says that if she plants carrots and potatoes for the first cropping, she will
plant cabbage for the second cropping or the other way around. Cruz (1994) found
out that by planting potatoes or carrots to a parcel previously planted to cabbage
the two most serious problems associated with cabbage cultivation, clubroot and
diamond backmoth may be controlled.
The vegetable products of the women farmers are generally sold in La
Trinidad Trading Post where they will be given their product to a certain
middleman who also supplies their needs like capital or farm inputs.
89
Women’s Role in the Production of Crops
Before and After the Implementation of WTO - AoA
In the Cordillera, women farmers have always played a major role in food
production. In this study, the women respondents have been involved in farming
activities since they were young doing simple to complex tasks. Thus, any
changes in the economic sector will eventually bring a shift role on the aspect of
women as they adopt their own coping mechanism to be able to withstand the
impact brought particularly in relation to vegetable importation.
The roles of the women farmers in the production of crops before and after
the implementation of WTO –AoA are presented in Table 14.
Gender roles are those assigned in any given society to men and women,
hence this is culturally defined. Tradition has dictated predominant roles for men
and women. The husband’s role in the Filipino home is mainly economic. The
Table 14. Roles of Women Farmers in Crop Production*
ACTIVITIES
BEFORE WTO-AoA
AFTER WTO- AoA
Male
Female
Male
Female
n=16
Preparing the Land
/
/
/
/
Planting
/
/
/
/
Applying fertilizers/
Chemicals
/
/
/
/
Weeding
/
/
/
/
Plowing/digging
/
/
/
/
Others
*Multiple Responses
90
typical role for women is that of housekeeper. Her duties are to keep the house in
order, attend to the needs of her husband and children and to take care of domestic
activities (Rojas-Aleta, 1977). However, gender roles are not fixed; they change
over time. For the past years there have been drastic transformation in the types of
work that have been considered typically women’s or men’s job (Karl 1996 and
Wiber,1984, Batani et al, 2002); for instance, women farmers are taking on what
used to be men’s jobs as males migrate to cities to find better-paying jobs. The
claim of other author like Batani et al, 2002, and Karl (1996) corroborates with
the present study.
The findings show that there is no difference between the work of men
and that of women on the farm. Women respondents claimed that what the men
can do in the field the women can also do as well, from preparing the land,
planting, weeding, applying fertilizers and chemicals harvesting and even till the
products are brought to the market. On the other hand, literature has shown that in
agriculture sector, women are visible from production to post production activities
as corroborated in this study. However, this is not the case before though. Before,
spraying and applying fertilizers were the work of men (Batani et al, 2002).
Interestingly some women respondents say they are “as competent as the men.”
On the other hand, womens participation in the production level could pose health
risks. But women themselves, apparently, do not give much attention on this
situation.
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When asked what specifically her job in the field is, respondent Janet
answered:
Ditoy gamin highland, no anya ti ar-aramiden ti lallaki diay farm,
ar-armiden met dagiti babai. (Here in the highlands, what the man can do
in the field, women farmers can do also.)
This is reinforced by respondent Leticia who stated:
Gamin parehas ti trabaho din babbae ken lallaki ditoy ta nu
agbomba ti lalaki kasyay met lng ti babbai. Parehas met. Ag-gabyon
kami… aglugam… parehas. Awan ti para babae dayay para lallaki
daytoy ta agtinnulong gamin. (The works of men and women farmers are
the same. Both, men and women, spray the plants, prepare the land. There
is no such thing as women’s work or men’s work.)
Apparently, Atok women would take pride in performing similar roles on
the farm. This is typical among strong and level-headed Cordillera women.
However, implications would be varied. Perhaps what could explain for this
attitude is the resource poor setting that these women are into. In the meantime, it
is generally established that male members of the household used to dominate the
management of commercial farms. This has been also the conclusion of Wiber
(1984). However, presently, the management of commercial farms is no longer
the domain of men but also of women as well as claimed by the women
respondents of this study. This finding then disagrees with the conclusion of
Wiber (1984) that male members of the household used to dominate the
management of commercial farms. Women respondents agree that the only
difference between the labor of men and women is the weight of the load because
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men carry loads heavier than women. This was well articulated in an informal
interview with some community members. But the case of respondent Dominga is
different from that claimed by most respondents.
Kadagiti dadduma, trabaho ti lalaki trabaho da. Ngem siak diay
nalaka nga trabahoen isu ti trabahoek. Diay nalaka bagik diay narigat
bagi ni lakay ko. Haanak nga aggabyon ken ag spray. Tumulongak nga
agdalos, agmula ken agharvest ngem bagi na ti agbunag. (For some
women farmer, the work of the men is also their work. But in my case, I
do light and easy work. I help in weeding, planting and harvesting but not
applying fertilizers and aggabyon. My husband does the heavier task like
carrying.)
From the story of the women respondent, the role of each woman
respondent varies depending upon the situation they are into. For example, in the
case of respondent Lily being a widow, she has become the head of the
household. As the head of the household she shoulders all decision-making
related to field and home management and assumes the roles in the garden
formerly assumed by his husband.
For Karl (1996), the assumption that farmers are men is usually where
policy making and legislation fail.
It can be inferred that with the advent of trade liberalization and the
implementation of the Agreement of Agriculture, it is not only the men farmers
who will be affected but also the roles of women in the crop production. That is
women fulfill their task in the field, the implementation of AoA will further
complicate their situation.
93
These tasks however will have health implication on their part. Both
Cariňo (2005) and Cheng and Bersamira (1994) claimed that Benguet farmers are
a major consumers of fertilizers and pesticides. Since it was observed that there is
an increasing participation of women farmers in the cash crop production, women
are exposed to hazardous chemicals being used on the farm (Appendix F). The
study of Batani et al (2002) in Paoay, Atok revealed that almost all of the ailments
of the respondents were related to using chemicals and treated by self–help
remedies, which are commonly adopted by the respondents. The labor
intensiveness vegetable production is a factor why women work as hard as men.
Status of Women Farmers Given the
Changing Situation in the Vegetable Industry
To accurately describe the status and condition of women farmer
respondents given the changing status in the vegetable industry of Benguet, one
must reflect on their existing status. Status in this research refers to the condition
of women in the crop production, at the household level and in the community, as
well as the access and control to resources like income, time, community
involvement, investment and involvement. The women respondents have been
actively participating in the cash crops production by assuming the roles once
dominated by men (Wiber, 1994). Along with their task in the vegetable
production they are not excuse from assuming other functions at home and in the
community. This section of the research looks into the status of farmer respondent
94
given the changing condition in the vegetable industry in relation to the entry of
vegetables and the implementation of the WTO-AoA.
Compared to the vegetable industry five years ago, a great majority of the
respondents articulate that vegetable industry five years ago was better compared
today in terms of the changes they have observed and experienced.
One of the changes observed and felt by the women respondents presently
is the soaring price of farm inputs like fertilizers and chemicals. All agreed that
the farm inputs are having almost prohibitive prices. Some women respondents
attribute this increase in price of farm inputs to the increasing price of crude oil.
Second, harvest is low and this can be attributed to natural calamities and pest and
diseases. Third, the price of their vegetable has decreased. Almost all women
respondents claimed that the lowering of vegetable price is due to oversupply and
the entry of vegetables coming since vegetable importation is related to
oversupply of vegetables in the market. However, probing revealed that local
farmers felt that what they produce is enough to meet the needed semi-temperate
vegetables in the country. But with the intrusion of imported vegetables the price
of local vegetables was left behind. Oversupply of vegetable resulting from
importation results to low price since there are a lot of vegetables competing in
the market. It is interesting to note that women respondents claim that their
produce is of good quality and they feel that it should correspondingly command
better price. Remedios, a trader-supplier, said that she, together with several
95
farmers, opted to leave their vegetables get rotten in the field rather than
transporting them to the market as this surely would mean additional loss of
income. This will be further elaborated under the problems faced by the women
respondents.
These policy shifts expressed in WTO-AoA negatively affect women
respondents as shown in their changing roles and status discussed in the ensuing
paragraphs.
Access to and control of time as a resource. This refers to how the women
farmers manage their time resources as they assume their different roles at home,
in garden and in the community. When the women respondents were asked to
describe their status now, ten respondents answer that they have longer working
hours.
For these women, they say life is more difficult and its difficulty is
brought about by prices of commodities that keep on increasing and are
aggravated by the entry if legal or illegal vegetable importation. This puts more
pressure for these women to finish their task so they can take on other paid work.
Moreover, they need to finish work to be in time with the harvest time and
eventually catch up with at least “good market” price of vegetables. These women
also claim that increasingly husband and wife and even children are staying late in
their vegetable gardens.
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At the same time, 11 respondents claim they have limited time in
assuming their household and family responsibilities because of vegetable
farming. Women respondents carry multiple burdens as they assume their roles at
home and in the garden. Most of the respondents claim that before going to the
field, they have simultaneously assumed their role as mothers. This role involves
preparing the daily needs of their children as well as performing house chores.
The following is the typical day of a woman farmer. As she assumes her task,
shifts from one role to another. After preparing the food and cleaning the house in
the morning, she joins her husband in the field. At eleven o’clock she goes home
to cook and returns to the field at one o’ clock to continue her work. At the end of
the day, she continues to assume her task doing the work of a mother and as a
wife. Though the husband and children share in this responsibility, the bulk of the
responsibility is still in the hands of the women.
Such schedule of farm activities was also the scenario in the study of
Cheng and Bersamira (1994): Monday to Saturday, farmers work from sunrise to
sunset in whatever type of weather condition. This is exactly the claim and
situation that present day women vegetable farmers confront.
A case in point is the woman farmer Vivian. She gets up at 4:30 or five
early in the morning to cook for her children and afterwards clean the house. She
goes to her vegetable garden around 7:30 or 8:00 in the morning. But if there are
works to be done in the garden, cleaning the house is set aside. Respondent
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Sioning, on the other hand, claimed that after preparing the needs of her children
going to school and feeding her pets, she immediately goes to the farm to work.
In the case of respondent Susan, she goes to the farm to work with her little child.
But like other women respondents she admitted that her responsibilities at home
like cleaning was sacrificed particularly if there are a lot of tasks to finish. Upon
hearing the different stories of the women farmers, it is apparent that women
farmers share a common plight. The women respondents assume roles that
requires sacrifice on their part: as mother, as wife, as farmer and as a member of
the society.
Interestingly, this shift in roles and status go against the finding of an
earlier study in Buguias by Calugan et.al. (2002) that Buguias farmers, between a
mother and wife, their maternal instinct overshadows everything else. It can be
drawn that a mother should be able to do everything to serve as model to their
children.
Twelve respondents claim that they have limited time for leisure and
socialization with other women. Between work and socialization, women farmers
are willing to give up their time with other women for the sake of their work
especially if they need to finish it. The majority claim that they can socialize with
other women only during Sundays, holidays, and special occasions or if there is
no work to be done in the garden. But if they need to finish the task, some of the
respondents claim that they even neglect to attend church services and prefer to
98
work in their vegetable plots because like in their own houses, work on the farm
seems endless. This shows that cash crops farming is really labor intensive. A
case in point is Leticia, who used to farm but now leases her garden. Similarly,
three respondents, when asked how much time they devote in their garden, they
answered six in the morning till six in the evening. Leticia reminisces those
times, she said:
Six to six ah uray rabii pay lalo nu nagmula kan tattan tapos nu
han nga nagtudo ket kasapulam nga sibugan ket nasipnet ten, agflash
light kan ah. Ag-overtime ka pay diay garden. (Six in the morning till six
in the afternoon. If there’s no rain and you had just planted and there is a
need to water the plant you will be staying late in the garden using a
flashlight.)
In the case of respondent Dominga, who is a farmer and a canteen
manager at the women’s coop, when asked about accessing health care,said:
Awan ah talaga nga limitado ti oras ta syempre umayak ditoy
canteen nga agtrabaho, agawidak bassit lang ti oras ko. Nu agsapa
umsyek manen ditoy rabiin ton manen nga agawidak diay balay. Isunga
awanen diay tiempok nga apan agpa check-up. (None because my time is
limited. In the mornig I work here at the canteen by the time I will go
home its alreadt dark. The next morning I have the same routine and I will
be going home late again. I don’t have time to have my check-up.)
From this situation and from the interviews conducted, it may be inferred
that as women farmers devote more of their time in the field, while their time for
the household and family responsibility; time to socialize with other women,
leisure time, and even their time for themselves has been limited. The above
99
situation of women corroborates with the conclusions of Cağatay (2001) that
women are likely to work longer hours than men.
Moreover, as women work inside and outside the home the end result is an
increased workload that leads to a “double burden” Other terms have been used
by Cagatay to refer to this situation like “double day”. This women status results
when there is an increase in the labor force participation of women but is not
accompanied by a commensurate reduction in their unpaid domestic labor.
Contreras (1998) describing this scarcity of time resources as an
opportunity loss, stated that reproductive functions such as household chores that
women undertake, if translated into economic terms, reveal its invaluable
economic value.
Two of the respondents claimed that their time in working is the same
while four respondents like respondent Remedios and respondent Lily claimed
that it depends on the person since as farmers they handle their time.
As discussed earlier, women are highly put under pressure in the context
of globalization.
Social services. Women‘s endeavor to enhance the quantity of their
income-generating activities are thwarted by their limited access to social services
such as credit to name a few. Women have limited access to credit and capital
required to increase their production. In this study social service refers to
100
women’s access to credit, capital, transportation, land ownership and agricultural
facilities and organization.
Gender differential in accessing credit. Capital has always been the
perennial problem confronted by vegetable farmers. Although the difficulty of
accessing credit for small farmers both affect men and women, the plight of
women is worse for many reasons. Women lack acceptable collaterals which are
the primary requirements in accessing loans. Another is that men are the legally
recognized heads of the family. Recognized as landowner are male members of
the household. This means that men with collaterals can have access to credit.
Such situation was reiterated by respondent Dominga when asked who can apply
for credit:
Ni lakay ko ngem uray siak ti mangi-process ngem nagan na met
lang… nu idiay outside mabalin nga uray siak ti agloan ngem nu kua ket
isuna latta ta nagan na tapos nu collateral ket nakanagan kanyana diay
lote. (It is my husband although I process it but it was named after him. If
it is outside, it can be me but it is still him because of collateral and he was
recognized as the land owner).
In the case of respondent Vivian when asked if she had experience
applying for loans from banks, she mentioned that she tried but due to insufficient
collateral her papers were not approved. As articulated by these women that a
woman who does not own the lands have a usually limited access to agricultural
support services such as credit for purchasing inputs.
The case of respondent Rose and Sioning is different from that of the other
respondents. Respondent Rose is a tenant, meaning, she tills a land she does not
101
own while respondent Sioning up to the present continues to till the land of her
father. The land was not yet given to her as an inheritance signifying there is no
formal transfer of property.
“Who owns the resources” is very important because this will determine
who has the access to credit. As mentioned earlier, some women respondents own
the land they till and owning it gives them a better status compared to those
women respondents who do not own the land they till because their access to
services like credit is very limited. On the other hand, some women owning the
land they till may not guarantee their having a full access in loaning institutions.
This was further explained by respondents Vivian.
Padasen koma nga agloan ngem han met nga maaprobaran diay
loan ta kurang ti collateral (We tried to but it was not approves since our
collateral is not enough).
Women are not a “homogenous entity” meaning, while all are women
farmers, still there are women who are categorized differently–i.e. women
supplier, women trader, por dia women and owner farmer. Each category differs
in their status in relation to accessing credit.
Karl’s conclusion sums up the above scenario. Discriminatory legislation
is seen when women farmers are involved as evidence by the existence of
discriminatory laws on land acts, agrarian reform and even on membership
cooperatives. Even when legislation does not limit women’s right to land titles
and membership in cooperatives, tradition often does.
102
Because of inadequate capital and for easier access, the farmers have
resorted to accepting financing under arduous circumstances. One way is for a
vegetable dealer to finance a crop, on the condition that the farmer will bring her
harvest to the dealer financier on provisions which are not good to the farmer.
This is advantageous as the farmer has already her control in terms of prices. If
the existing income is inadequate to cover the farmer’s expenditure for the next
cropping she seeks additional financing from the supplier. This puts women
farmers into deeper indebtedness. Aside from the dealer financier, women
respondents claim that they resort to borrowing from those people whom they
know have the capital such as their relatives, neighbors, or friends.
As reiterated by the women respondents, it is not only the collateral that
hinders them in accessing capital to different organizations or lending institutions.
Some respondents say that they have not tried to loan in cooperatives or
association like in the case of respondent Fely. One reason that ‘holds her back’ is
some “not so good issues” confronting any borrower. Another reason is the many
“paper works” to process as well as too long waiting periods which defeat the
purpose of the loan. As experienced by some women respondents, loans are
approved only after the time they do not need the cash anymore. In relation to the
“paper works’, according to the adviser of womens organization, Yolinda
Beliano, if a women farmer wants to be a member of the Association she goes to
her sitio to apply and process the requirement she needs. There are bureaucratic
103
processes to be followed. A woman who wants to join the women’s organization
will apply at her sitio and has to hurdle bureaucratic requirements at the barangay
level before she is entertained at the womens association.
Respondent Dominga says:
Idi awan pay ti vegetable importation, mabalin nga maka-invest
kami pay, makagatang kami ti kayat mi tatta ngay ket as in nga awan. Idi
ah ket mabalin nga han kami nga ag-utang ken agloan. Tatta nga adda ti
importation ket ni rimmigat ti biag min. (When there was no vegetable
importation we an still invest, we can buy the things that we want but now
its different. Way back then, it is possible for us not to borrow money but
since we have this vegetable importation life is more difficult).
Thus, with the full implementation of WTO AoA and with the existing
condition of women respondents in terms of capital and credit resources signifies
that women respondents cannot cope with the threat brought by global shift
particularly with the entry of imported vegetable since they lack the resources to
strengthen their farming activities.
Material Resources. Material resources in this study refer to income,
savings, and accumulation of new technologies.
As mentioned earlier, women perform multiple tasks in the sphere of
agriculture. If they are considered and viewed as cultivators as well as producers
of food then women farmers need to increase and improve their productivity and
this entails improvement of technology too. But this will not likely happen since
all the respondents claim that they have limited income, savings, investment, and
104
accumulation of new technologies. Income, savings, investments and
accumulation of new technologies are related to each other in the sense that
having a low income means limited possibility to save and invest. It also indicates
that a farmer has a limited opportunity to improve technology being used in the
garden.
All respondents agree that they do not have savings since their income
goes to garden, payment of credit, school fees, and daily needs. As respondent
Dominga says:
Mostly met gamin ket awan ti ma-isavings ta kasla nga agrotate
lang met. Nu awan ti eskwela apan diay makan. i-roll mon to manen idiay
garden. (Most of the women farmers don’t have extra income to save
since their money revolves to school fees, food in the garden).
In terms of accumulation of new technologies, some women respondents
do not consider this as a problem because they claim they still have their existing
tools to use like gabyon. Aside from that, they wait for a tool to be worn out and
destroyed before they buy a new one. Some respondents say that as long as they
can still use it, some remedy measures is being adopted like fixing the tool. If the
tool cannot be used anymore and no money has been allotted for this, the farmers
borrow money to purchase it. It is apparently seen that one of the related problems
brought by limited capital is the access of suitable technology that can help uplift
their level of productivity.
105
From the foregoing testimonies of women respondents, it may be inferred
that having low income can limit the productivity of the farmers; farmers cannot
invest or save because of lack income and income goes back to the garden as
mentioned earlier.
Based on the inventory of farm machine and equipment by CHARM
through the BNRMP, Paoay farmers used the following: gabion, sangkhap,
bolos, rakes and sickles. These tools are mostly used in land preparation, seedbed
preparation, fertilizer application, and harvesting. Work is done manually by the
farmer respondents and this can be attributed to the topography of the place.
Probing, however, show that this seemingly “resigned” attitude of women
results to having limited resources. Women respondents for instance say that
when their tools get destroyed, they themselves repair them. Still, another would
say that destroyed tools do not automatically mean buying a new one as cash
resources have to be saved for more important matter like capital for the next
cropping.
Community involvement. In this study community involvement refers to
women’s access to women’s organization, and ability to attend trainings, seminars
and barangay meetings.
From the interview and the data gathered, women farmer respondents
claim that it is not only their family and household responsibility that has been
limited but also their community involvement. A great majority agreed that
106
attending seminars, trainings and meetings are sometimes postponed because of
their work in the field. Respondents claim that if time permits and if meetings,
seminars and trainings are short, important and helpful, they attend them. Few
respondents claim that attending seminars depend on the person involved.
Some of the respondents are members of the women’s organization
located in Sayangan. According to the respondents, joining such organization
does not only benefit them but also their husband since this organization can lend
capital. The women organization sponsors seminars and training and according to
respondent Dominga, the vice-president of the women’s organization, such
seminars can help women uplift their knowledge and betterment of their farming
activities. Among those women respondents who claimed to be a member of the
women organization, some say that they are not active members at present
because of the nature of their work and the roles they assume at home.
It is apparent that some women respondents like the case of respondent
Leticia, president of the women’s organization, and Dominga, who assumed a
significant position in the organization, can assume leadership positions. But on
the other hand, assuming such position will eventually leads to taking on
responsibilities that extend their working hours.
107
Problems Encountered by Women Farmers
The 16 farmer respondents have experienced several problems since they
started farming and these problems can be limiting the output and productivity of
farmer respondents. Among the problems encountered by the farmer respondents:
areabsence of water supply and irrigation; inadequate supply of materials like
seeds, pesticides, and insecticides; inadequate capital; insufficient technology and
tools; high cost of inputs; destruction of plants due to calamities, typhoons and
frost; different pest and diseases and diminishing soil fertility. Compounding
these problems is the problem of low farm price.
Lack of water source particularly during summer limits the cropping of the
farmer respondents and this may result to limited income. According to these
women, there are some areas in Atok municipality that totally depend on rain.
This is supported by the data from the BNRMP that only 30 percent of the total
agricultural area is irrigated that is, water is available all year round.
All respondents claim that lack of capital is one of the major problems
faced by the farmer. Cash crops farming is considered as capital intensive. Having
a limited capital is related to other problems being encountered by the farmers.
First, it is related to having insufficient supply of materials like farm inputs and
tools as mentioned earlier. Kranz (1976) stated that commercial vegetable
production usually requires large capital and heavy labor inputs, refined skill and
good marketing facilities. As highlighted by the women respondents, the capital
108
intensiveness of vegetable farming can be crippling. Lack of capital would mean
inability to plant. Inadequate capital would also mean lack of farm inputs and
farm tools. The absence of support to marketing their produce is another
problem. One can say that with vegetable importation, the future of the women
farmers all the more is made uncertain. Second, if women farmers have
insufficient capital and their income is fluctuating, they fall under further
indebtedness to informal and formal lenders. Third, limited capital also results to
limited income.
According to respondent Vivian:
Before 2000 atleast han kami la unay nga ag-utang tatta ngay ket
ag-utang kami metten. (Before 2000, atleast we don’t often borrow
money, borrowing money use in the farm is not uncommon.)
All farmer respondents observe and agree that the prices of farm inputs are
high and sometimes not affordable compared five years ago. When asked what
could be the perceived cause, some farmer respondents attribute this to increasing
price of commodities especially crude oil. Respondent Julie says that prices of
farm inputs are high yet the price of vegetables is low even though they have a
high quality, thus the women have a low income. This problem is aggravated by a
low farm gate price and income is not sufficient to provide both household and
farm needs.
The issue of low farm gate price is also related to vegetable importation.
The vegetables of farmers cannot compete with the low price of the imported
109
vegetables considering that if women will allow the price of their vegetables to be
lowered, their capital is at stake.
The structural limitation in relation to prices has been a perennial issue.
The vegetable farmers are in no position to dictate the prices of their crops. Prices
of commodities are unpredictable and vary from time to time (Appendix L). In
the case of carrot and cabbage alone, the table shows that in the month of January
alone this year, the price is not stable (Appendix L). In just a span of three weeks
the price decreased and such decrease is beyond the farmer’s control.
Appendix M shows the rise and fall of price of cabbage from the year
1999-2003. It is evident from the graph that there is a steep and continuous
decline of price in the year 2000 to 2003. This can be attributed to the entry of
imported vegetable that had swept the vegetable industry of Benguet. This has a
great impact on the income of the farmers because during the times that the prices
fall the farmers just allow their vegetables to rot in their garden and be used as
fertilizers. The production costs, which include the cost of chemical inputs, seeds,
transporting the vegetable from the garden to the market, far exceed whatever
they can earn.
Aside from the problems mentioned above, some women respondents
include health as one of their problems. Farmer respondents rely on chemicals and
insecticides for disease and pest control thus they expose themselves to hazardous
chemicals and pesticides that may threaten their health. Aside from that, as a
110
farmer, whatever the weather condition, they are expected to tend to their crops.
Three respondents say that even if they are not in good health condition, suffering
from slight fever or cold, and whatever the weather condition they still visit their
crops. This is because of the big sum invested on their gardens and even a single
day of absence in the farm could pose great risks. Due to this situation, the health
of the respondent is at risk. As a result they resort to cost-cutting and one of the
things that will be sacrificed is the money allotted for the health of the family.
As mentioned earlier, in cash crop production, farmers rely heavily on
pesticides, fungicides and other chemicals used in farming. But using too much
chemicals can affect also the fertility of the soil that can change the total
production of vegetable farmers. All respondents claim that diminishing soil
fertility is one of the problems they are facing. This is due to acidity brought
about by the use of chemicals and as claimed by the respondents, to soil being too
old. The relationship yield to soil fertility is explained by economist in the Law of
Diminishing Returns.
Solutions Employed by Women Farmers
The problems adversely affecting the production and income of the farmer
respondents needs immediate measures from the government as well as from the
farmers itself. From the interviews with the farmer respondents shown in Table
27 are the solutions being adopted and practice at present by the women farmers.
111
Based on Table 15, farmer respondents usually resort to borrowing money
to be able to solve their problems. Farmers either borrow from someone they
know or ask help from their supplier in the Trading Post who will supply them the
needed farm inputs or capital they needed. The finding supports the observation
made by the Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Agricultural Research (1989)
that farmer were trapped into a cycle of borrowing. The practice of farmers in
resorting to borrowing capital from private lenders to finance their crop is like a
cycle. They borrow to finance, repaying it after the harvest and borrowing again if
income is insufficient to finance the next cropping.
In other problems like the lack of irrigation/water, the women cope by
limiting the number of cropping. They also resort to self-help remedies like crop
rotation, application of greater volume of pesticide and insecticide. Women who
are “better-off” also participate in the provincial level organizing in response to
the issue of vegetable importation. Concrete actions like joining petitions and
congress- were also facilitated since one respondent is the president of womens
organization.
When the farmer respondents were asked about government program
being implemented, some of them said that they are not aware of the programs
and laws being implemented by the government. Others mentioned the following:
training and seminars like organic farming and crop programming. To be able to
112
Table 15. Solutions employed by the women farmers
PROBLEM
SOLUTION
No water supply
- wait for the rain
- resort to one or two cropping instead of
three cropping in a year
- Deep well
- limit the size of land to be planted
Lack of materials - Borrow money
Like seeds and fertilizers - Supplier
Lack of capital
- Borrow money
a. friends
b. neighbors
c. relatives
d. middlemen/suki at the Trading Post
- Loan
a. private
b. banks
- pa-suplay
Insufficient tools/
- do some remedy (fixing the tools)
Technology
-Borrow money to be able to buy
Cost of inputs
- Borrow money
- go to their supplier
Destruction of plants
- replant with another crop
due to typhoons and
calamities
Pest and diseases
- apply chemicals, insecticides
Diminishing soil
- crop rotation
Fertility
- try organic farming
Others
o Clubroot
- apply lime
-crop rotation
113
help the affected farmers due to the destruction of plant brought about by the
frost, the Department of Agriculture launched the Plant Now, Pay Later (PNPL)
Though the DA tried to help the farmers’ through these measures, it is not
enough to prepare the women farmers in line with the entry of vegetable
importation. This can only solve and help the women farmers in a short while.
When asked what the government should do to help them in line with
vegetable importation, the following recommendations are given by the farmer
respondents.
Table 16. Recommendations
RECOMMENDATION
Financial Assistance
Market outlet aside from Trading Post in la Trinidad
Price of oil should be lowered in relation to the increasing price of
transportation and farm inputs
Trainings
Stop GATT/ importation of vegetable
Patronize our own product
Capital plays an important role in farming. It is the aspiration of women
farmers that the government will be able to extend help in terms of finance. There
are constraint to women farmer in borrowing money (informal or formal), which
includes collateral and cash capital aside from having high interest.
114
Generally, the vegetable products of the farmers are sold to La Trinidad
Trading Post. What happens here is that when there are a lot of products being
sold, the tendency is the oversupply of products that leads to lowering of prices
that affects the income of the farmer but it is the middlemen who usually
benefited. It is the desire of women to have another market outlet where their
products can directly reach the consumers and break the long chain of middlemen.
Another problem of the farmers is the increasing price of farm inputs and
the women correctly related this to the increasing price of crude oil. Since the
government cannot control and dictate the price of oil at least necessary measures
should be undertaken by the government to help the plight of the people
especially the farmers. Women and other farmers should be equipped and
empowered to be ready to face trade liberalization. The role of trainings and
seminar could not be undermined. Proper communication should be done as to
reach the concerned people.
Farmer respondents are aware of the issue of vegetable importation and
the effects it brings to them. Their desire is the government to stop the entry of
vegetable importation since it really affects the price of their crops that affects
their income that will also affect their situation not only as producers but also as
consumers and being as secondary earners as others view them. According to
them, if the government will not be able to stop the intrusion of imported
vegetable, at least the government should do something so that their means of
115
livelihood will not be affected and that they will be able to compete with the
imported vegetables.
One woman respondent had mentioned that despite the intrusion of
imported vegetable in the local economy, Filipino people should learn to
patronize the local products to help not only the local industry but also the local
farmers.
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
The main objective of this study was to determine the impact of vegetable
importation to the roles and status of women farmers in Sayangan and Englandad,
Paoay, Atok. The specific objectives were to determine the socio-economic
profile of the respondents; describe their present status given the changing
situation in the vegetable industry; and to identify their problems in the
production level in relation to vegetable importation as well as the solutions
employed.
The respondents were 16 women farmers from Sayangan and Englandad,
Paoay, Atok. An interview schedule was used to gather relevant data from the
respondents. The data were tabulated and analyzed. Frequency and percentage
were used.
The salient findings are the following:
1. The level of participation of women in the cash crop economy is
increasing. Because of this, women’s role in farming activities is adjusted to
mainly getting involved in economic activities that try to cope with pressing
economic needs. This adjustment, however, carries implications on the women’s
control of their time, capital (if any) and community involvement. In terms of
labor division, the majority of the farmer respondents claim that there is no
117
significant difference between the work of men and that of women in the
production system.
Women farmers are not a homogenous entity, that is many are poor and a
few are much better off. In this study, the categories (farmer-trader, farmer-
supplier, farmer-owner and women farmers involved in por dia basis) indicate
differential access and control to resources.
2. Women respondents claim that the present vegetable industry has
become a far cry from that of the past. With the changing situation of the
vegetable industry, the status of women is affected.
In terms of time resources, the majority of the women respondents claimed
that much of their time is spent on the farm. Thus their time for their family, for
leisure and for socialization with other women is affected. They claim that they
can only have time for leisure and socialization after their work on the farm.
Women respondents have a limited income that eventually leads to highly
limited savings, investments and opportunity to adopt new technologies and own
tools used on the farm.
In terms of community involvement, women respondents can only attend
to activities like seminars, trainings and meeting based on their available time.
3. There are problems besetting women farmer that had been existing
since they started faming. Problems that are within and out of their control and
118
further negate their status and roles as women farmers and eventually their
economic productivity and development.
4. The solutions undertaken by the women farmers can help them survive
their existing status. But these solutions were not able to prepare the women in
line with the entry of vegetable importation and in the context of globalization
Conclusions
Based on the findings, the following conclusions are drawn:
1. Farmer respondents are categorized as old women who range in age
from 40 years and above. Women who are into farming are relatively old, that is
about middle ages to post middle age. A great majority of the respondents started
farming when they were young and have either reached or finished high school or
college.
Thirteen respondents are owner-farmer. The income of women
respondents since 2000 is erratic due to internal, external and natural factors.
Affecting their source of income are the existence pest and diseases, low farm
gate price, and occurrence of calamities and typhoon. Compounding these
problems is the intrusion of legal or illegal imported vegetables. Since having a
limited income and being responsible in preparing the food, the women farmers
augment their income through other means. Most respondents are owner-farmers
who depend on family labor or hired labor when family labor is not enough.
119
In terms of capital source, a great majority depend on their limited capital
and on pa-suplay system particularly on middlemen, if they lack the needed
capital or farm input. Pa-suplay scheme varies depending on the agreement
between the supplier and the farmer. A great majority plant cash crops such as
potato, carrot and cabbage.
2. The roles women respondents demonstrate that they are involved in a
capital and labor intensive work on the farm. With their assumed multiple roles,
their health is eventually affected. The status of women is aggravated as they try
to cope with new policies being implemented and with the changing situation in
the vegetable industry. The rising importance of the women’s economic
involvement to the family and the additional demand upon her time and endeavor
are having intense upshot on the family and her role in the community as well.
With the implementation, of WTO-Agreement on Agriculture and the
intrusion of imported vegetables situations which they are now experiencing,
women farmers are caught off guard. And with the limited capital and income
they have, adopting innovations and improving their productivity are impossible.
Their income insufficient to meet the basic needs of their families
especially if they have five to eight household members and children going to
schooling.
3. Women farmers are beset with different problems such as lack of
irrigation, materials, capital tools/technology; increasing cost of inputs;
120
destruction of plants due to calamities, pest and diseases; and diminishing soil
fertility. With the onset of vegetable importation they are bequeathed with new
challenges that will further marginalize their situation as women farmers.
Trade liberalization, particularly WTO-AoA, has an indirect effect on the
production activities of women respondents and a direct effect on their income.
Due to limited income, it affects the purchasing power of the respondents in farm
inputs and their production as a whole since it limits their capacity to improve
farming activities. Their involvement in the production activities will eventually
affects their roles and status.
4. Although trying to solve their existing problem, the women farmers
have problems beyond their control. Most of the solutions employed are self-help
remedies.
Recommendation:
On the basis of the foregoing findings and conclusions, the following
recommendations are forwarded:
1. Since women farmers assume a major role as producers, the local and
national government should reconsider the plight of women farmers in the context
of vegetable importation particularly in the policy making. Having policies lead
that eventually prepares women farmers in facing the challenges brought by
121
vegetable importation. The government can prepare and help women farmers in
the form of the following;
a. With vegetable importation, the “name of the game today” is globalization,
one should play by the rule as to not to be eased out or left behind by the other
competitor involved, thus the government and non-government organizations
should look into packaging and marketing of local products.
b. The Government, spearheaded by the Department of Agriculture and
concerned institutions like farmers organization and women cooperatives, should
provide proper programs that will improve the condition of women farmers since
they carry multiple burdens. The programs can be in the forms of income-
generating or skills training or programs that will change the status of women in
agricultural production. Changing their status will bring comparative benefits that
will help them in line with the full implementation of trade liberalization.
c. The Department of Agriculture should sponsor seminars in relation to
WTO-AoA since many Benguet farmers are not aware of it. The Department of
Agriculture and non-government institutions that have the desire to uplift the
status of women farmers should sponsor trainings in relation to agricultural
production appropriate for women that will help equip their skills.
2. Research-related recommendations:
a. There should be further study about the implications of WTO - AoA in the
marketing level that look into the implication of vegetable importation.
122
b. Statistical researches on the effect of vegetable importation to women’s
status and roles shall also be important.
3. Training-education recommendation along:
a. Information-drive on GATT-AoA with special focus on vegetable
importation
b. Education on organizing a cooperative building tht focus on capital
sourcing and sharing
c. Information drive on marketing and networking building
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128
APPENDIX B
TOTAL INFLOW VOLUME (IN TONS) OF SELECTED HIGHLAND VEGETABLES IN BAGUIO IN
BAGUIO PER SOURCE (JANUARY-DECEMBER 2001)
MT.
LA
COMMODITY
BUGUIAS
ATOK
MANKAYAN
PROV
KIBUNGAN
BAKUN
TUBLAY
KAPANGAN
KABAYAN
TRINIDAD
TUBA
ITOGON
BOKOD
TOTAL
Cabbage
8799
5440
5480
3840
3927
3712
1661
2033
3120
1899
747
206
582
41446
Potatoes
6238
3398
4396
5124
3618
2991
1663
1449
1893
148
5
10
30933
C. Cabbage
5157
2525
3048
3495
2094
1912
1699
1193
1551
257
4
37
22
22994
Carrots
3630
2190
3133
3030
2207
2154
1062
1094
2172
1459
234
105
62
22532
Chayote
3427
2
2237
111
2860
2902
128
1380
1793
1579
341
17660
Beans
154
218
202
401
125
122
192
443
134
118
399
155
54
2717
TOTAL
23978
17198
16259
15208
14208
11002
9137
9114
8998
5261
3177
2087
1071 137382
%
17
12
12
11
10
8
7
7
7
4
2
2
1
100
APENDIX C
AREA PER BARANGAY IN ATOK
Barangay
Total Landholding (Has)
Area
Devoted
to
Agriculture (Has.)
Abiang
3,332.8679
597.9205
Caliking
2,902.9082
495.0723
Cattubo
2,063.2959
826.6715
Paoay
2,573.6494
803.4537
Poblacion
4,426.5159
567.296
Pasdong
2,534.6872
433.002
Topdac
2,442.4344
346.1736
Naguey
1,635.8274
218.6974
TOTAL
21,912.1863
4,288.2852
Source: Department of Agriculture, Atok
APPENDIX D
CROPS GROWN IN THE DIFFERENT BARANGAYS OF ATOK
CROPS
ABIANG
CALIKING
CATTUBO
PAOAY
POBLACION
PASDONG
TOPDAC
NAGUEY
Potato
Chayote
Cabbage
Cabbage
Rice
Rice
Chayote
Rice
Cabbage
Coffee
Potato
Potato
Chayote
Potato
Cabbage
Gabi
Major Crops Carrot
Carrots
Carrots
Gabi
Cabbage
Potatoes
Pipino
Rice
Radish
Radish
Beans
Tomatoes
Garden Pea
Bell Pepper
Pipino
Garden Pea
Potatoes
Celery
Celery
Cabbage
Beans
Garden Pea
Peanut
Beans
Bell Pepper
Garden Pea
Garden Pea
Otato
Garden Pea
Radish
Corn
Radish
Garden Pea
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Garden Pea
Minor Crops
Cabbage
Cabbage
Cabbage
Cabbage
Cabbage
Celery
Beans
Lettuce
Beans
Camote
Chayote
Beans
Chayote
Coffee
Chinese
Cauliflower
Lettuce
Onions
Carrots
Squash
Beans
Cabbage
Camote
Citrus
Broccoli
Coffee
Coffee
Camote
Bell Pepper
Onions
Chayote
Passion fruit Coffee
Cutflower
Passion fruit Gabi
Carrots
Coffee
Gabi
Cutflower
Banana
Corn
Passion fruit Pineapple
Corn
Citrus
Peanut
Coffee
Banana
Peanut
Banana
Star apple
Coffee
Citrus
Banana
Rice
Chinese
Lettuce
Corn
Onions
Broccoli
Tomatoes
cabbage
Passion fruit Camote
Chayote
Rice
Peanut
Radish
Onions
Onions
Citrus
Gabi
Citrus
Cauliflower
Onions
Pechay
Pechay
Bell Pepper
Spanish
Lettuce
Pechay
Broccoli
Bell pepper
Squash
Citrus
Pechay
tomato
Other Crops Star apple
Pechay
Onions
Bell pepper
Pipino
Water crest
Spanish
Water crest
Tomato
Sugar Cane
Onions
Beans
Tomatoes
Radish
Cassava
Cutflower
Squash
Pineapple
Gabi
Chayote
Carrots
Pineapple
Eggplant
Chesa
Camote
Pechay
Papaya
Cassava
Papaya
Banana
Squash
Sugar cane
Chesa
Squash
Papaya
Water crest
Jackfruit
Papaya
Water crest
Pineapple
Cassava
Spanish
Jackfruit
Tomato
Pechay
Passion fruit Pineapple
Star apple
Sugar cane
Cassava
Pechay
Papaya
Passion fruit
Spanish
Tomato
Cutflower
Water crest
Sugar cane
Chesa
Strawberry
Gabi
Jackfruit
Spanish
Spanish
Tomato
tomato
Strawberry
Tomatoes
Source: Department of Agriculture, Municipality of Atok
APPENDIX E
TOTAL PRODUCTION OF COMMODITY, PROVINCE OF BENGUET (1991-2001)
COMMODITY
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
Vegetables
Area planted (has)
32,557.63
35,553.35
32,200.49
33,518.00
26,603.40
31,503.05
Production (mt)
479,432.97
480,402.62
445,259.47
471,061.66
376,380.26
447,130.90
Productivity (mt/ha)
14.73
13.51
13.83
14.05
14.15
14.19
a. Leafy Vegetables
Area planted (has)
15,361.43
15,612.05
14,369.70
14,418.90
10,875.40
13,116.45
Production (mt)
243,625.17
337,522.30
204,306.52
224,355.95
157,089.25
193,002.85
Productivity (mt/ha)
15.86
21.62
14.22
14.55
14.44
14.71
a.1 Cabbage
Area planted 9has)
7,520.90
6,386.50
5,572.30
6,724.50
4,431.90
4,371.90
Production (mt)
136,831.60
113,628.60
101,043. 32
118,921.70
82,537.95
114,o24.40
Productivity (mt/ha)
18.19
17.79
18.13
17.68
18.88
18.90
a.2 Chinese Cabbage
Are planted (has)
5,173.20
4,690.00
4,554.60
4,721.00
2,517.00
2,763.50
Production (mt)
81,617.40
69,965.50
65,287.80
69,11.40
36,511.00
37,798.45
Productivity (mt/ha)
15.78
14.92
14.33
14.64
14.51
13.68
b. Fruit Vegetables
Area planted (has)
6,698.50
8,989.80
8,196.15
8,115.70
7,465.00
8,686.50
Production (mt)
69,496.60
86,896.72
91,231.30
95,062.61
80,199.11
99,369.95
Productivity (mt/ha)
10.37
9.67
11.13
11.71
10.74
11.44
b.1 Garden Pea
Area planted (has)
1,656.70
2,176.70
1,793.80
1,683.50
1,419.50
1,994.50
Production (mt)
6, 247.20
8,323.47
6, 532.70
6,248.40
5,319.70
8,855.25
Productivity (mt/ha)
3.77
3.82
3.64
3.71
3.75
4.44
c. Root Vegetables
Area planted (has)
10,497.70
10,951.50
9,634.64
9,983.40
8,263.00
9,745.10
Production (mt)
166,311.20
169,019.60
149,721.65
151,643.10
139,091.90
154,758.10
Productivity (mt/ha)
15.84
15.43
15.54
15.19
16.83
15.88
c.1 White Potato
Area planted (has)
7,868.80
8,611.00
7,525.39
8,199.00
6,197.00
7,043.00
Production (mt)
128,324.60
134,370.00
118,053.40
123,476.70
106,927.50
112,457.00
Productivity (mt/ha)
16.31
15.60
15.69
15.06
17.25
15.97
c.2 Carrots
Area planted (has)
2,352.50
1,886.50
1,813.30
1,603.00
1,742.50
2175.40
Production (mt)
34,442.50
29,496.50
28,286.40
26,024.40
28,034.40
36,140.70
Productivity (mt/ha)
14.64
15.64
15.60
16.23
16.09
16.61
c.3 Radish
Area planted (has)
155.40
412. 50
225.95
99.40
112.50
132.70
Production (mt)
1,741.60
4,591.60
2,497.85
1,168.00
1,350.00
1,451.40
Productivity (mt/ha)
11.21
11.13
11.05
11.75
12.00
10.94
COMMODITY
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
Vegetables
Area planted (has)
31,969.75
28,016.15
33,642.27
32,040.93
31,332.30
Production (mt)
465,680.91
412,229.88
537,134.64
513,899.77
445,422.49
Productivity (mt/ha)
14.57
14.71
16.05
16.03
14.22
a. Leafy Vegetables
Area planted (has)
13,551.55
10,876.20
15,103.57
14,364.18
12,797.15
Production (mt)
205,297.98
163,602.41
235,328.19
228,254.69
190,107.05
Productivity (my/ha)
15.15
15.04
15.58
15.89
14.86
a.1 Cabbage
Area planted 9has)
5,032.90
4,507.40
7,603,43
7,937.05
6,922.79
Production (mt)
102,104.20
89,014.00
141,115.27
149,380.30
119,413.53
Productivity (my/ha)
20.29
19.75
18.56
18.82
17.25
a.2 Chinese Cabbage
Are planted (has)
2,758.00
2,258.90
3,728.45
3,257.80
2,879.52
Production (mt)
43,980.50
34,866.00
59,011.10
49,181.55
43,631.28
Productivity (mt/ha)
15.95
15.43
15.83
15.10
15.15
b. Fruit Vegetables
Area planted (has)
8,903.50
7,774.5
7,490.86
5,509.99
4,935.62
Production (mt)
101,303.11
91,442.52
118,820.35
87,596.80
49,511.80
Productivity (mt/ha)
11.38
11.76
15.86
15.90
10.03
b.1 Garden Pea
Area planted (has)
2,051.50
1,643.00
1238.55
1,090.74
878.80
Production (mt)
8,794.61
6,613.40
4,987.03
4,633.04
3,574.20
Productivity (mt/ha)
4.29
4.03
4.03
4.25
4.07
c. Root Vegetables
Area planted (has)
9,513.70
9,365.90
10,867.84
12,166.76
13,599.53
Production (mt)
156,686.50
157,184.95
182,986.10
197,777.34
205,803.64
Productivity (mt/ha)
16.47
16.78
16.84
16.26
15.13
c.1 White Potato
Area planted (has)
6,726.00
5,703.40
8,156.96
8,565.25
10,031.83
Production (mt)
111,832.00
100,958.30
141,585.00
141,463.65
151,450.68
Productivity (mt/ha)
16.63
17.70
17.36
16.52
15.10
c.2 Carrots
Area planted (has)
2,341.70
2,909.50
1,540.18
1,604.15
1,590.64
Production (mt)
39,257.00
46,657.40
25,173.10
27,436.29
26,683.12
Productivity (mt/ha)
16.76
16.04
16.34
17.10
16.78
c.3 Radish
Area planted (has)
17.00
245.00
90.71
63.60
38.31
Production (mt)
2,005.50
2,555.25
1,108.00
1.034.40
549.32
Productivity (mt/ha)
11.33
10.43
12.21
16.26
14.34
Source: 2001 Commodity Data, Province of Benguet, Department of Agriculture
APPENDIX F
DIVISION OF LABOR IN AGRICULTURE BY CROP/LIVESTOCK, ACTIVITY AND SEX
Activity
Predominantly Female Adults
Predominantly Male Adults
CROP FARMING
Rice
Selecting and preserving seeds, transplanting/planting, Preparing land, preparing seedbeds, spraying chemicals and
(Camarines Sur, 1985 and 1994)
weeding, harvesting, nonmechanized threshing, selling the fertilizers, doing mechanized farm tasks, hauling and
harvest, and contracting hired workers
transporting palay from the field, repairing irrigation banks
and canals
Corn
Planting, applying fertilizer, weeding, harvesting, and selling Preparing land, bagging corn
(Bukidnon, 1993)
the produce in the market
Coconut
Weeding area around trees, gathering harvested nuts, slicing Harvesting, hauling nuts to copra shed, dehusking, extracting
(Camarines Norte, 1987; Quezon, copra meat, contracting buyers
fresh meat, smoking and drying copra, bagging
1993)
Sugarcane
Cutting and planting cane points, loading cane points in Clearing fields, weeding through sifting, raking, burning or
(Negros Occidental, 1993)
machines, applying fertilizer
transplanting, driving planting machine, repair and
maintenance of roads, drainage and irrigation canals; cutting
and hauling of canes
Cassava
Planting, harvesting, weeding, cutting the stalks, chopping Preparing land, bagging, contracting buyers
(Bukidnon, 1993)
tuber into chips and drying
Sweet potato
Washing, sorting, vending
Clearing and preparing land, pitting, collecting seedlings,
(Quezon 1993)
planting, applying fertilizer, mounding, weeding, harvesting,
gathering, hauling, packing, weighing
Fruit trees
Planting or establishing fruit trees, weeding, care of trees, Pruning, fertilizing, spraying of chemicals, smoking (mango),
(Quezon 1993)
contracting hired workers and/or buyers, selling fruits
picking fruits
CARE OF LIVESTOCK
Hogs
Feeding, preparing feeds, purchasing and selling stock
Bringing in water for the hogs, watering down and cleaning
(Camarines Sur 1994)
pigpens
Poultry
Purchasing commercial feeds and medicine, purchasing and
(mostly backyard broods)
trading stock, feeding, marketing
(Camarines Sur 1994)
CAPTURE FISHING
Processing fishery products (salting or smoking), vending Fishing, mending nets and boats, building and maintenance of
(QUEZON 1986)
fishery catch, financing spear fishers and other boatless fish corrals, selection of nets and fishing technology
fishermen
AGROFORESTRY
Vegetative contouring, tree planting, selling produce
Constructing rockwall, clearing land, cultivating and caring for
PRODUCTION
crops , transporting crop and forestry products to the market
(Cebu 1986)
Illo (1988) and updated during group interview (GI/L 1994)
IPC (1993b)
IPC (1993a) for Quezon; Illo and Veneracion (1988) for Camarines Norte
IPC (1993)
Velasco (1993)
Illo and Veneracion (1988)
Group interview conducted in Camarines Sur (March 1994) *GI/L 1994)
Illo and Polo (1990)
Rivas, Uy, and Borlagdan (1991)
Source: Illo (1995) as cited by Paunlagui (2002
APPENDIX G
Source: Based on the study of Tauli-Corpuz et al, 2006
APPENDIX H
POPULATION AND HOUSEHOLD DISTRIBUTION PER BARANGAY
Abiang
Caliking
Cattubo
Paoay
Pasdong
Poblacion
Naguey
Topdac
TOTAL
No. of
1,551
2,470
2,440
3,763
834
1,718
1,628
2,011
16,415
Population
No. of
330
498
476
713
172
386
305
379
3,259
Household
No. of Farming
293
438
409
620
151
332
268
329
2,840
Household
No. of Farmers
604
880
824
1,316
306
674
568
666
5,838
Source: Department of Agriculture, Sayangan, Atok
APPENDIX I
INVENTORY OF FARM EQUIPMENTS, TOOLS AND MACHINERY
SPECIFICATION
NUMBER
OWNERSHIP
STATUS
Work Animals
Carabao
7
Farm machinery
Tractor
13
Private and for hire
Functional
H2O pump
13
Private
Functional
Power Sprayer
43
Private
Functional
Equipment
Gardening Tools
500
Private
Vehicle
Jeep
427
Private
Truck
50
Private
Source: As of 2001, Barangay Paoay, BNRMP
APPENDIX J
AGRICULTURAL CHEMICALS APPLIED
Plant/Crop
Type of Pest and
Period of Occurrence
Fungicide or Insecticide Used/
Frequency of Application
Diseases
Farmer Strategies
Potato
Blight
Rainy Season
Dithane
2x a week/rainy
Koyus (BW)
Wet and Dry
Uproot
season
Cartp/Dimotrin
3-5 days
Yellow trapping
Interval
FP-sugar mixed with
demotria/cartrap
Cabbage
Clubroot
Wet and Dry
Crop rotation lime
1x a year
Leaf
Wet
Dithane/curzate
1x a week
spot/latek
Soft Root
Rainy Season
Dithane/Curzate
1x a week
DBM
Dry
Green level insecticides
Spray when necessary
Carrot
Cutworms
Furadan
Spray when
Diagran
necessary
Diadegma
Spray when
Green level insecticides
necessary
Karate
Sumiciden
Dithane/vondozeb
Chinese Cabbage
Club root
Lime
Before Planting
Soft Root
Dithane/vondozeb
(once)
Leaf Spot
Dithane
Vondozeb
Source: MAO, March 2000
APPENDIX K
CROP PRODUCTION (MAIN AGRICULTURAL CROPS PRODUCED)
YIELD/VOLUME
CROP
AREA PLANTED
(T/ha)
TOTAL
In hectares
1st Cropping
2nd Cropping
3rd Cropping
(Harvest)
Commercial Crops
Palay
1.709
2.2
1.2
7.519581
Sweet Potato
1.240
15
18.6
Gabi/Ubi
.381
10
3.81 kgs.
Legumes
Beans
1
12
10
121
Leafy Vegetables
Cabbage
900
20
17
3330t
Chinese Cabbage
13.00
20
17
260t
Celery
6
18
18
216t
Pechay
2
6
12t
Fruit Vegetables
Garden Pea
5
4
20t
Root Vegetables
White Potato
1000
13
10
23000
Carrot
500
20
10
150t
Radish
5
10
50t
Ornamentals
Chrysanthemum
2
800 bundles
1600 bundles
Siesta Daisy
6
1000 doz
6000 doz
Calla-lily
8
520 doz
4,160 doz
Source: MAO’s Office. As of 2000
APPENDIX L
WHOLESALE BUYING-PRICE FOR THE MONTH OF JANUARY (2006)
(La Trinidad Trading Post)
WEEKLY AVERAGE
Week 1
Week 2
Week 3
Week 4
(January 3-6)
(January 10-11)
(January 16-20)
(January 25-31)
Commodity
Low
High
Low
High
Low
High
Low
High
Beans –snap
6.00
6.00
13.50
15.50
14.25
16.25
14.00
21.67
Bellpepper-Baguio
California-green
45.00
47.50
35.00
37.50
20.67
25.00
29.00
31.00
Chinese-red
40.00
42.50
30.00
30.00
35.00
40.00
29.00
33.50
Bellpepper-Ilocos (Red)
47.50
47.50
35.00
35.00
40.00
40.00
Broccoli
3.73
5.75
7.50
10.00
7.67
10.00
8.50
12.00
Cabbage-Scorpio
12.50
13.00
9.50
10.50
13.00
14.25
8.33
10.33
Cabbage-rareball
10.75
12.00
9.25
10.00
10.50
12.15
7.33
8.5
Carrots
24.75
26.00
16.00
21.00
22.33
22.25
10.33
13.0
Cauliflower-Benguet
3.25
4.00
8.00
9.00
8.33
9.00
6.67
8.67
Cauliflower-Ilocos
5.00
5.00
8.00
8.00
5.50
5.50
Chayote
1.03
1.35
2.25
2.50
3.33
3.88
2.83
3.4
Celery
11.75
12.50
12.50
13.00
15.67
16.00
16.00
20.67
Chinese Cabbage
2.50
3.00
3.00
3.25
2.63
3.63
3.35
4.33
Cucumber
9.00
9.50
9.00
10.00
13.50
17.00
14.67
18.33
Garden Pea
Chinese
17.50
23.75
47.50
62.50
35.00
47.50
27.33
34.67
Lapad
12.50
15.00
22.50
27.50
19.33
27.50
15.00
18.00
Leeks
10.75
11.50
15.00
15.00
12.67
13.25
12.33
5.33
Lettuce
5.75
6.50
6.50
8.00
6.00
6.75
6.33
7.67
Potato-Super XL
13.25
15.00
17.50
19.50
16.00
18.75
19.83
22.0
Raddish
2.25
2.63
5.00
5.50
2.25
3.13
2.83
3.83
Tomato American (green)
8.75
9.00
9.50
10.50
15.67
17.25
8.33
12.0
Source: Department of Agriculture, 2006
APPENDIX M
Source: Based on the study of Tauli-Corpuz et al, 2006
APPENDIX N
Source: Based on the study of Tauli-Corpuz et al, 2006
APPENDIX A
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE
Selected Women Respondents
Englandad and Sayangan, Paoay,
Atok, Benguet
I. Socio-economic Profile
1. Name (optional) ___________________________________
2. Age: ____________________________________________
3. Number of Household members: ______________________
4. Number of Years in Farming: ________________________
5. Educational Attainment: ____________________________
6. Category:
____ Farmer-trader
____ Farmer –supplier
____ Farmer- owner
____ Por dia/oblante
7. Please check your estimated income per cropping in the following years
Estimated Income 2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
10,000 and below
10,001 – 15,000
15,001 – 20,000
20,001 - 25,000
25,001 – 30,000
30,001 – 35,000
35,001 – 40,000
40,001 – 45,000
45,001 – 50,000
50,001 and above
• Based on the above chart, what could be the possible reason/s for an
increase or decline of your income? Why?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
129
8. What are your other sources of income aside from farming?
____ weaving
____ embroidery/knitting
____ construction workers
____ laundry women
____ selling/vending
____ others (pls. specify)
9.Tenurial Status
____ owner-farmer
____ tenant
____ CLT Holder
____ using for free
____ share tenant
____ suppliers’ land
____ CADT applicant/holder
____ others (pls. specify)
10. Which of the following crops have you planted and are you planting at
present?
Y
E
E
R
Crops
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
Cabbage
Chinese cabbage
Potatoes
Carrots
Sayote
Beans
Peas
Cauliflower
Broccoli
Petchay
Others
(pls. specify)
• Aside from the above vegetables, what other commodities do you
plant? Why?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
130
• If you have shifted to the kinds of crop you planted, what are your
reasons for doing this?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
• Does it help you to uplift your income?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
11. Which of the following labor system are you adopting?
____ family endeavor
____ hired labor
____ bayanihan system
____ contract basis
____ combination of family and contract labor
____ others (pls. specify)
12. Which of the following describes your finance system?
____ individually/family financed
____ financed through loan
____ financed by friends/neighbor
____ financed by relatives
____ financed by middle men
____ others (pls, specify)
II. A. Which of the following is your role in the production of crops before and
after the implementation of the WTO-AoA?
Activities
Before the implementation of After the implementation of WTO-
WTO-AoA
AoA
Male
Female
Male
Female
Preparing the land
Planting
Applying
fertilizers/chemicals
Weeding
Plowing/Digging
Others (pls. specify)
131
II.B Which of the following describes your present status given the changing
situation in the vegetable industry?
Yes No
Reasons
Time
a. longer hour in working
Resources
b. limited time for the family
and household responsibility
c. limited leisure time
d. limited time to socialize with
other women
e. others (pls. specify)
Yes No
Reasons
Social
a. greater access to services
Services
• Credit and capital
• Production facilities like
irrigation /water supply
• Transportation
b. greater opportunities to own
land
c. highly limited to rent land
d. highly limited access to
agricultural cooperatives
d. others (pls. specify)
Yes No
Reasons
Material
a. highly limited income
Resources
b. highly limited saving
c. highly limited investment
d. highly limited accumulation
of new technologies
e. others (pls. specify)
Yes No
Reasons
Community a. highly limited in attending
trainings/seminars
Involvement b. highly limited time to attend
barangay meetings
c. highly limited access to
women organization
d. others (pls. specify)
III. A. Which are the following are the problems you have encountered at the
production level?
132
Problems
Yes
No
Since when What could be the
perceived causes
a. no water supply /irrigation
b. inadequate supply of
materials like seeds and
pesticides
c. inadequate capital
d. lack of technology/lack of
tools
e. high cost of inputs
f. destruction of plants due to
calamities and typhoons
g. pest/diseases
h. diminishing soil fertility
i. others (pls. specify)
• Compare your vegetable production five years ago from now?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
• Are there any changes you had observed or experience? Give examples of
these changes.
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
• What do you think are the causes of these changes?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
• What can you say about the prices of your inputs (like fertilizers, seeds) at
present?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
• What can you say about the issue of vegetable importation today?
____________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
III.B. What are the solutions you have undertaken in coping with the problems
you have encountered?
Problems
Solutions
Since when
133
a. no water supply
/irrigation
b. inadequate supply of
materials like seeds and
pesticides
c. inadequate capital
d. lack of technology/lack
of tools
e. high cost of inputs
f. destruction of plants
due to calamities and
typhoons
g. pest/diseases
h. diminishing soil
fertility
i. others (pls. specify)
• In your own opinion, what should the government do to be able to help
the women farmers like you in line with vegetable importation?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
• At present, what are the programs/government laws that you know
being implemented?
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
The researcher was born at the dawn of February 2, 1979. She is the fifth
child among the six children of Pedro Corpuz Jr. and Elena Corpuz. She was born
in Bauang, La Union but grew up in Baguio City, where she is presently residing
with her family.
She spent her elementary years in Bonifacio Elementary School; her high
school in Baguio City National High School. She pursued her college degree in
Benguet State University, where she graduated in the year 2000 with the degree
Bachelor of Secondary Education major in Social Studies.
From June 2001 to March 2005, she was employed in one of the private
schools in La Trinidad where she gained valuable experiences and lessons in life
that equip her with skills and additional knowledge to be a better teacher as she
continues to minister to students through the profession she had chosen.
After working in a private school, God had called her into a school
ministry through the Visionworks International Ministries Incorporated, an
organization that desire to reach the young of this generation with the love of
Jesus Christ.
Document Outline
- Implications of Vegetable Importation for the Roles and Status of Women Farmers in Two Communities in Atok, Benguet.
- BIBLIOGRAPHY
- ABSTRACT
- TABLE OF CONTENTS
- INTRODUCTION
- METHODOLOGY
- REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
- RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
- SUMMARY
- LITERATURE CITED
- APPENDICES
- BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH